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TiPPOO Tib, the s^^^^^^ 

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The name of Tippoo Tib is familiar to all who took 
an interest in the affairs of East Africa or the Congo 
fifteen or twenty years ago. He was the most 
remarkable of the band of Arab traders and ex- 
plorers who, starting from the East Coast, pene- 
trated to the Congo, and were the rulers of what- 
ever country they happened to be in, though they 
established no states and did not even claim the 
right of conquest on behalf of their Sovereign, the 
Sultan of Zanzibar. It is curious to notice how 
much and how little they effected. They traversed 
enormous distances, and demonstrated the practica- 
bility of many routes through savage kingdoms which 
were commonly considered pathless wildernesses ; 
but they made no attempt to attach these regions 
to Zanzibar, or even to convert them to Moham- 

The whole history of the Arabs in East Africa 
shows the same characteristics. They founded their 
cities on the coast, but made little effort to move 
inland, and in the rare cases where they did so, as 
at Tabora and Ujiji, the reason was simply that 
their slave-raids had depopulated the region near 
the sea, and they were forced to move on to districts 
where the game was not so shy. But their terri- 
torial and political instincts were feeble. The 
effective power of the Sultan rarely extended more 
than ten miles inland from the shore of the main- 
land. Beyond that limit, every Arab assumed the 


right to deal with the natives exactly as he pleased. 
But, however successful he might be, he did not 
extend the Sultan's authority, and if he perished, the 
Sultan did not feel called on to avenge his death. 

Dr. Erode, who has had exceptional opportunities 
for studying the career of Tippoo Tib, published 
some time ago in the ' Proceedings of the Institute 
of Oriental Languages' his autobiography, tran- 
scribed in Roman letters from his own manuscript, 
and accompanied by a translation. This work is 
now supplemented by a biography giving a con- 
nected chronological account of this adventurous 
career, which is worth reading both as a story and 
as a valuable addition to the obscure and scanty 
records of African history. 

Its hero, Hamed bin Muhammed, better known 
by his nickname of Tippoo Tib, was of mixed Arab 
and negro descent, and the latter strain showed 
itself markedly in his physiognomy. Still, accord- 
ing to the ideas of Zanzibar, he was an Arab. Few 
dates are mentioned in his life until near the end. 
Arabs rarely know their ages exactly or keep any 
accurate diary. He was born in Zanzibar, and at 
the age of about eighteen went on a journey to 
Ujiji with his father, and continued it by himself 
to Urua, thus inaugurating the long series of 
trading expeditions which formed the occupation 
of his life. The chief objects of these expeditions 
were slaves and ivory. Ivory was plentiful, and 
the natives, who had often no notion of its value, 
were ready to sell it absurdly cheap. If they made 
difficulties, vigorous measures were adopted without 
scruple or hesitation. The journey to Urua was 
succeeded by another to Urungu, at the southern 
end of Tanganyika, in the course of which Tippoo 
Tib met Livingstone near Lake Mueru. 


These were comparatively short journeys, but 
Tippoo Tib now proceeded to make a much more 
serious expedition, which was the foundation of his 
influence and importance. He seems to have started 
about 1867, and was away some fifteen years. Most 
of this time was spent in what is now the territory 
of the Congo Free State. There were Arab settle- 
ments in these regions, for the great distance from 
Zanzibar and the necessity of having some fortified 
centre and base of operations had obliged the 
traders to depart somewhat from their habits of 
predaceous migration. We hear that their head- 
quarters — Nyangwe — was a considerable town, with 
so many rice-fields round it that it was called New 
Bengal. His doings during this long absence are 
described in considerable detail. Part of the time 
he bore the title of Sultan of Utetera. 

According to his own account, he claimed the 
sultanate in virtue of a perfectly fictitious relation- 
ship between his mother and the local royal family, 
with the result that the reigning Sultan resigned 
peacefully in his favour the day after he arrived. 
One cannot help suspecting that there is some slight 
lacuna in the narrative here. During this period 
he met Cameron, and also Stanley, whom he guided 
for a part of his journey towards the end of 1876. 
After parting from Stanley, he again spent some 
time in warring and trading, both in Kassongo and 
Tabora. He met Wissmann, and escorted him to the 
coast, and, as Dr. Erode says, if anything can justify 
his life it is that he was a faithful guide to Cameron, 
Stanley, and Wissmann, and had no small share in 
their success, though it must be admitted that his 
relations with these eminent explorers were not 

His relations with Stanley were renewed in 1887. 


After returning to Zanzibar in 1882, he went back 
to Utetera, but after a short absence was summoned 
home again by the Sultan. When Stanley organized 
his mission for the relief of Emin, he invited Tippoo 
Tib to accompany him as guide, and, on behalf of 
the King of the Belgians, oifered him the title of 
Governor of certain provinces of the Congo Free 
State. Details of this expedition, which was Tippoo 
Tib's last important performance, are given in the 

It must be admitted that Tippoo Tib was a slave- 
trader. These pages, based upon his own statements, 
give some inkling of the unscrupulous cruelty with 
which he dealt with natives, and clearly much 
remains untold. In excuse, one can only say that 
the cruelty of the slave-traders was not greater 
than the cruelty of the natives to one another. 
One eminent Arab, when criticized by Europeans 
for his slave-trading propensities, used to relate how 
he had fallen in with a tribe who were accustomed 
to eat their prisoners of war. He bought all these 
prisoners for a small sum, and made them his slaves, 
which he maintained, with a logic difficult to con- 
trovert, was far better for them than the other fate. 
Still, no doubt Tippoo Tib's commercial journeys 
were in the main plundering expeditions. Anything 
else, any introduction of law and order, any spread 
of civilization, was merely subsidiary and incidental. 
But he was intelligent, not wantonly brutal, as 
many traders were ; he had a far better idea of 
organizing a rough-and-ready administration than 
most Arabs, and he was always friendly to Euro- 
peans. By the assistance which he rendered to 
them he indirectly contributed in no small measure 
to the civilization of Africa, for which the Arabs 
themselves have done so little. 


He was practically King of an enormous territory, 
but his power was never oJBficially recognized even 
by his own Sovereign. Had it been, the future of 
East and Central Africa might have been materially 
changed, for the chief argument advanced by the 
European Powers who appropriated the hinterland 
behind the coast was that the Sultan had no 
effective jurisdiction over the natives there. But, 
as Dr. Erode points out, Seyyid Burghash, the 
Sultan of the period, had no talent or inclination 
for politics, and cared only for trade in its crudest 
aspects. He wished to get as much ivory as possible 
from the interior, but he did not care anything 
about the position and character of the countries 
which produced it. Yet perhaps pessimism rather 
than stupidity was the motive of his conduct. 
' Hamed,' he said to Tippoo Tib, ' be not angry with 
me ; I want to have no more to do with the main- 
land. The Europeans want to take Zanzibar here 
from me ; how should I be able to keep the main- 
land?' And Tippoo Tib adds: 'When I heard 
those words I knew that it was all up with us.' It 
certainly was. The Sultan's dominions on the main- 
land soon became little more than a legal fiction, 
and he retains Zanzibar only on condition of also 
accepting the doubtful blessing of British protection. 

The disappearance of the Arabs from East and 
Central Africa can hardly give cause for regret. 
They were seen at their best in such men as our hero, 
who, if he had had a free hand, might have estab- 
lished a firm if somewhat rapacious Government. 
But, on the whole, they were merely a nation of 
slave-traders, without much dignity or romance, and 
illustrated the demoralizing effect of slavery on the 
slave-owner. In the towns on the coast, where 
they had plantations, and in the island of Zanzibar, 


cultivation was kept up by a wasteful profusion of 
slave labour ; but they were careless of the interior, 
though they knew its good points and potentialities 
far better than Europeans. For administration, 
development, even for conquest, they showed a 
complete apathy. They cared for nothing but the 
simple right to help themselves to valuables when 
and how they chose. They were destructive, and 
did not even preserve any good that they might find 
in native institutions. Had they retained any con- 
siderable tract of country, such beneficial legislation 
as the abolition of the slave-trade, and the prohibition 
to import alcohol and weapons within a certain zone, 
would probably have proved impossible. 

I used to see Tippoo Tib occasionally when I was 
His Majesty's Agent and Consul- General in Zanzi- 
bar in 1901 and 1902. His features were of the 
negro type, and produced at first an impression that 
he was a low-caste hybrid ; but this impression was 
dispelled by his polite and dignified manners and 
his flow of speech. The tremulous twitching of his 
eyelids was very noticeable, and it was generally 
believed that this was the origin of his name Tippoo 
Tib, ' the blinker,' although he himself, not liking 
the personal allusion, had other explanations. The 
touch of mockery in his manner and language, to 
which Dr. Erode more than once alludes, was very 
noticeable, but not unpleasant nor discourteous. He 
did not live to execute the journey to Europe which 
Dr. Erode tells us he was planning, but, not long 
ago, in the language of Mohammedanism, he removed 
to ' the abode of permanency,' though some Hindu 
cycle of transmigration would seem more congenial 
to such a wanderer and explorer. 



Having been resident for a considerable time in 
Zanzibar, I had the opportunity of becoming closely 
acquainted with the hero of this work, and I 
succeeded in inducing him to recount the story of 
his life, which seemed to me of interest in view of 
the important part which he has played in the 
history of African exploration. His descriptions 
were set down by him in Swahili in Arabic 
characters, and by me transcribed into Roman 
script, in which form they appeared, together with 
a German translation, in the 'Proceedings of the 
Institute of Oriental Languages,' Part IH., fifth and 
sixth yearly issues. 

In the preface of that study I pointed out that its 
publication in that place primarily served a linguistic 
purpose, and announced that I intended to work up 
the material furnished me by Tippoo Tib into a work 
on his life which should be generally intelligible. 

The present book is the carrying out of that 
announcement. Owing to urgent professional work, 
its publication has been delayed longer than I 



anticipated. Within the framework of the life- 
history of a prominent personality it has heen my 
object to lay before the reader, even though 
unfamiliar with African affairs, a picture of the 
varying fortunes of the Dark Continent before it 
gradually fell into European hands. The historical 
introduction in the first chapter may seem to many 
far-fetched, yet in the interest of the work as a 
Avhole I was loth to omit it. Should any reader 
find it wearisome, I beg him to begin at the second 
chapter, but whoever does not shrink from the 
trouble of reading it through will find in it many 
a hint which will make the subsequent descriptions 
more comprehensible. 

Before the work leaves my hands I feel it my 
duty to express my thanks to aU those who have 
afforded me their counsel and co-operation during 
its compilation. 



September, 1903. 

[The death of Tippoo Tib since the original 
edition was published has necessitated the addition 
of a few words by the author, which wiU be found 
on p. 253.] 




OP SEYYin SAID (1806-1856) 


The oldest accounts in Herodotus and the Bible — Finds 
in Mashonaland — ' Periplus of the Erythraean Sea ' — 
Frequent existence of negro slaves in Arabia — Political 
conditions in Arabia in the seventh century favour 
migration — The chronicles of Kilwa — Arabian and 
Persian immigrations about the ninth century — 
Founding of cities — Greatest prosperity of Kilv7a 
about the twelfth century — Active commercial rela- 
tions vyith India and China — Portuguese rule (six- 
teenth to middle of eighteenth century) ; its culmina- 
tion and decline — After their expulsion internecine 
struggle among the Arabs — Final victory of the 
Busayds — Fresh period of glory under Seyyid Said — 
Extension of political influence to the interior — 
Tabora, Ujiji ----- 1—11 



Gradual advance into the interior — Tippoo Tib's gene- 
alogy — His bringing-up — First short journey to the 
coast — With his father to Ugangi • — Journey to 
Tabora — The small-pox — By Tabora to Tanganyika — 
Goes on to Urua— Independent temper of the young 
merchant — Commercial relations — Ivory — Eevolu - 
tions in Unyanyembe — Conflict between Mkasiva 



and Mnywa Sere — Arrogance of the Tembo-drinker — 
Political changes in Zanzibar — Preparations for war 
— The ' Besar ' Thenei bin Amur — Treachery of the 
Indian Musa — Defeat of Mnywa Sere and installa- 
tion of Mkasiva . - - - 12 — 23 



Journey to Tanganyika — Experiences of Tippoo Tib's 
brother — Trade with India — Famine on the coast — 
Wanyamwezi carriers not to be had — Wasaramo 
enlisted — Flight of all the carriers — Punitive raid 
through Usaramo — ' Kingugwa chui ' and ' Kumba- 
kumba ' — Urori — Sultan Merere — Favourable trade re- 
lations — Euemba — Continuance of march to Itahua — 
Sultan Nsama's reputation for great power and cruelty 
— Wealth and strength of the country — Fortified 
capital — Tippoo Tib's own account of the reception, 
his treachery and overthrow, flight and pursuit — Eich 
booty — Eeturn to Urungu — Meeting with Livingstone 
— His descriptions and their relation to Tippoo Tib's 
versions — The latter's attitude towards Europeans — 
Livingstone's meeting with Nsama — Meaning of the 
name Tippoo Tib — March back to Urori and excur- 
sion to Tabora — Faithlessness of the trusted agent at 
Urori — Eeturn to Dar-es-Salaam — Eelations there — 
"With Seyyid to Majid to Zanzibar - - 24 — 45 



Fresh plans of travel — Banyans and dealings with 
Muhammedan Indians — Jealousy amongst them — 
Preparations for travel — A part of the loads sent on 
before — Careless handling of powder and consequent 
punishment — In prison — Sir John Kirk — Journey to 
Bagamoyo — March in advance of Muhammed bin 
Masud — Farewells at Dar-es-Salaam and Zanzibar — 



Start and junction with advance caravan at Ugogo — 
Cholera — Hostile natives — Goods buried for want of 
carriers — By Tura to Eubuga — Meeting with his 
father — Entry into Tabora — His father's new home 
— Quarrel with Mkasiva — Surprise of the Wangoni — 
Defeat of the Tabora Arabs — Irresolution — Fruitless 
expedition of Tippoo Tib — Alarm of the Tabora 
people — Proceeds to Ugalla - - - 46 — 58 



The Sultans Taka and Eijowe — The travellers are ex- 
ploited — Tippoo Tib's visit to the Sultan and quarrel 
on slender grounds — Taka's death and flight of his 
people — Booty — Desertion of the Wanyamwezi — 
Return of the Shensis and their defeat — Intervention 
of the Tabora Arabs and peace — By Ukonongo to 
Fipa — Further along Tanganyika to Itahua — ^Poison- 
ing by manioc and remedies — Again with Nsama 
— Elephant hunters — Detour to Ruemba — The 
kingdom of Lunda and the Kasembes — ^Livingstone's 
narratives — Inhospitable reception — Fight and 
victory — Setting up of a new Sultan - - 59 — 70 



Lake Mueru — The Congo — -March to Urua — Weakness of 
the frontier population — Stalactite caves as a refuge 
in war — Visit to the caves — Smoking out by Msire 
— Poor business with Sultan Kajumbe— Invitations 
from Mrongo Tambwe and Mrongo Kassanga — 
Homage on the part of the Msire — Fight with 
Kajumbe and withdrawal — Repeated invitation from 
Mrongo Tambwe — Lake Kiasale : its importance to 
the country round and fight for it — Hostile acts of 
Mrongo Kassanga — His defeat and setting up of 
Mrongo Tambwe as Sultan — No ivory^Dividing of 
the caravan, Said bin Ali going to Katanga, Tippoo 



Tib to Iramba — Meeting with Juma Mericano on 
Lake Usenge — Cameron's account of this Arab — 
Fruitless attempt to induce his compatriot to accom- 
pany him, and goes on alone - - - 71 — 79 



Wealth of Irande — Viamba — Fire-arms unknown — 
Political situation — Legal usages — Eeport of a 
Shensi on Utetera and its Sultan's family — Mkahuja 
— Wealth of ivory — Pange Bondo and his history — 
Envoys from Utetera — Tippoo Tib claims relationship 
with the Sultan — Attack by the Mkahuja people and 
unexpected effect of the supposed ' muhogo-rammers ' 
— Pange Bondo is solemnly crowned Sultan, and 
shows himself a cunning adviser — Arrival at Utetera 
and kinsman -like reception — Kassongo Eushie's 
vagaries — Tippoo Tib becomes Sultan — ^Disastrous 
expedition to Ukasu and avenging raid — Cannibalism 
— Incursion of the Sultan of Mkahuja and his sub- 
jugation — Embassy of Lusuna and tidings of the 
proximity of an Arab settlement — Meeting with 
Arabs from Mjangwe - - - - 80 — 94 



News from home — Death of Seyyid Majid and cyclone at 
Zanzibar — Visit at Nyangwe — Important city — New 
Bengal — Meeting with Cameron — Journey with him 
to Lusuna — Lusuna's peculiar harem — Tippoo Tib's 
camp — Ceremonial visit of Kassongo — Deliberations 
as to Cameron's further route — Difficulties and junc- 
tion with Portuguese traders — Their cruelties — Exit 
Cameron westward— Tippoo Tib's departure from 
Utetera — By Nyangwe to Kwa Kassongo — Reunion 
with Bwana Nzige — Sad state of things there — War 
with the Shensis and revival of trade and agriculture 
— Communication with Tabora — Fruitless attempt of 



the Tabora Arabs to bring Tippoo Tib back— Arrival 

of Said bin Ali and his sudden death - - 95-105 



Meeting with Stanley — His impression of Tippoo Tib — 
He tries to secure him as a guide — Horrible stories 
of Abed bin Juma — Contrast between Stanley and 
Tippoo Tib and the latter's two different versions — 
The march begins — Difficulties in the forest — Turns 
aside to the Congo — Livingstone Eiver — Lady Alice 
— Eloquence of Stanley — Attack of the Shensis — 
Pretended friendship and treachery of the Shensis — 
Further march down stream — Difficulties by land 
and water — Requisitioning of boats — Engagement 
near Vinya Nyaza — Stanley's parting with Tippoo 
Tib — Discrepancy between their two accounts — 
Tippoo Tib's influence on Stanley's men — Stanley's 
presents— Christmas, 1876 - - - 106-127 



Trading expedition on the lower Lomami — Cheap ivory — 
Eeturn to Kassongo — Letters from Zanzibar — 
Stanley's thanks — Slow march to Tanganyika — Story 
of Lake Ujiji — Bad prospects for the further march 
■ — Mirambo : his previous history and war with 
Tabora in 1871 — Eumalisa — Departure and conflict 
in Euanda — The young Sef — Hostilities in Uvinza — 
Eeception at Tabora — Powder sent by Seyyid Burg- 
hash — Mirambo's offers of peace — Back to Uvinza — 
Meeting with Mirambo's caravan — Subjugation of 
Kasanura — His father's death — Eeturn of Bwana 
Nzige to Manyema — To Tabora again — Second meet- 
ing with Mirambo's people — His invitation and Sef 's 
visit — Intrigues of the Arabs — Wissmann — His 
opinion of Mirambo, Sef, and Tippoo Tib — With 
Wissmann to the coast - - - 128-155 





Back at Zanzibar — Proposals of the Belgian traveller 
— Consultations with the Sultan and the British 
Consul- General — March back to Tabora — Friendship 
of Mirambo — At Utetera again — Visit to Kassongo 
Karombo — The renegade Juma Mericano — Eungu 
Kabare's bogies — Stanley Falls — The founding of the 
Congo State — The Congo Convention — Expedition to 
the Aruwimi — The Sultan's letters - - 156-167 



Through Uvinza to Tabora — Changes in East Africa — 
Dr. Peter's acquisitions, credentials — Protest of the 
Sultan — German squadron — Recognition of the 
German acquisitions — Treaty of London — Farming 
of the Customs — Western trade in Zanzibar — German 
merchants at Tabora and their oppression by Arabs 
and Sike — Meeting of Tippoo Tib with Dr. Junker 
and his plan for travelling to the coast with him and 
Giesecke — Murder of Giesecke — Losses of the ivory 
firm — Arrival at Zanzibar— Gloomy frame of mind of 
the Sultan ----- 168-181 



Deane's story — His difficult position with the Arabs — 
Dispute about an ill-used slave-girl — Appearance of 
Le Stanley — Arrival of Lieutenant Dubois — Dis- 
appointed expectations — Attack by the Arabs — 
Desertion of the troops — Ammunition exhausted — 
The station given up — Dubois's death — Deane's flight 
— Helpless position and final rescue - - 182 — 190 





Emin's antecedents — -The Equatorial Province — Arabi's 
revolt — Bombardment of Alexandria and capture 
of Arabi — The Mahdi — Emin's isolation — His retreat 
on Wadelai — Abandoned by the Egyptian Govern- 
ment — Plans for his rescue — Stanley selected as 
the leader of a relief expedition — Various plans for 
carrying out — Stanley goes to Zanzibar — Agreement 
with Tippoo Tib — By the Madura round the Cape to 
the Congo — Tippoo Tib's impression of Cape Town — 
Up the Congo — Difficulties of the march — Stanley's 
European personnel — -Stanley goes to Jambuja, Tippoo 
Tib to Stanley Ealls — Stanley's hasty start for the 
Albert Nyanza — His instructions to the rearguard — 
Tippoo Tib's importance to the expedition — Failure of 
supplies of carriers — Barttelot's want of resource — 
Start for Banalja and murder of Barttelot — Jameson 
assumes command of the rearguard, tries to get 
Tippoo Tib to accompany him, and dies before the 
conclusion of the negotiations — Fate of the remaining 
Europeans — Eeturn of Stanley to Banalja and second 
march to Albert Nyanza — With Bmin to the East 
Coast — Subsequent fate of Emin - - 191 — 211 



Stanley's conference with Tippoo Tib — Flourishing trade 
at Stanley Falls — Ivory tax — News of Burghash's 
death — Retrospect of his reign — Embassy to do 
homage to Khalifa — Stanley's complaints — Tippoo 
Tib starts — Advice of his fellow - tribesmen — 
Eumalisa's hostilities and their failure — Hoisting of 
the Belgian flag at Mtoa — Summons before the 
English court — Misuse of Emin's name and his 
attitude — Arrival at Unyamyembe — Mirambo's 



successor — The Arab rising and its suppression by 
Wissmann — German -English agreement — The 
Empire takes over East Africa as a colony — Hoisting 
of the flag at Tabora — Tippoo Tib's meeting with 
Baron von Biilow — Tippoo Tib's illness — Departure 
■ — Stanley's slanders — Meeting with the Governor of 
Soden — Return to Zanzibar and justification - 212 — 236 



Establishment of a station at Tabora — Subjugation of 
Sike — Sigl's expedition to Tanganyika — The Belgians' 
progress in the Congo State — Their peace with Ngongo 
Luteta — Sef's raid against him — Tippoo Tib's view of 
the beginning of the conflict — Sef's defeat on the 
Lomami — Conquest of Nyangwe and Kassongo, 
Stanley Falls, and Kirundu — Eumalisa's conflicts on 
Tanganyika — Engagement on the Luama — Sef's 
death — Brussels General Act — Tippoo Tib's lawsuits 
with Rumalisa and Taria's heirs — Tippoo Tib as a 
private individual - . . . 237-254 

PouTEAiT OP Tippoo Tib - - - - Frontispiece 

Map of Centeal Afeica to illustrate the Joceneys 

OF Tippoo Tib - - - (at end) 




' Marche toujours : un monde est Ik.' — Guillain. 

When, about the middle of the last century, the 
attention of a wider circle was directed to the 
quarter which people were accustomed to call the 
Dark Continent, probably very few of those who 
heard of the astounding discoveries of European 
travellers — of snowy mountains and vast lakes at 
the Equator — realized that thousands of years ago 
daring navigators had directed their course to that 
very East Coast which in our day was to be the 
starting-point of the assaiilt on the secrets of the new 
region. No less an authority than the father of 
history, Herodotus, informs us that even in primeval 
times Phoenician fishermen circmnnavigated the 
southern extremity of Africa. True, those accounts 
are confused, and what they relate is not always to 
be reconciled with the geographical knowledge of 
our days ; yet as every echo is the reverberation of a 
real voice, so there is no fable so foolish but some 



grain of truth, is contained in it. And tlie mighty 
ruins of Mashonaland, discovered a few decades 
ago, and recently more thoroughly explored by 
Carl Peters, do indeed teU in forcible language of 
primeval civilization on the East Coast of Africa. We 
may take it that the Phoenicians and Assyrians, those 
pioneers of maritime commerce, sowed and reaped 
here ; and even the mysterious land of Ophir, to 
which, according to the Old Testament narrative, 
King Hiram sent his ocean-going ships,* seems to 
asstune palpable form. But over it aU floats the 
veil of the fabulous, which the inquirer may here 
and there softly lift, but which he can never quite 
tear away from the stony coimtenance of the Sphinx, 
that inexorable guardian of primeval secrets. 

In all this chaos of legends and fables only this 
fact remains established — that these regions were 
known to the oldest seafaring peoples, just as these 
knew the Indian Peninsula as long ago as two 
thousand years before Christ. One of the oldest 
historical documents we possess concerning the 
geography of East Africa is the ' Periplus of the 
Erythraean Sea,'! which appeared at the beginning 
of our era, and is probably wrongly ascribed to 
Arrian of JSTicodemia (who lived early in the 2nd cen- 
tury), which tells of a great city called Raphta, whose 
site can indeed be no longer determined, but which 
in the opinion of most commentators must have 

* 1 Kings ix., x. 

t Compare also for what follows Guillain, ' Documents sur 
I'Histoire, la G6ographie et la Commerce de 1' Afrique Orientale ' 
(Paris, 1856), vol. i., p. 81, and Strandes, ' Portugesienzeit in 
Deutsch- und Englisch-Ostaforka ' (Berlin, 1899), p. 81 et seq. 


lain between the present coast towns of Mombasa 
and Mozambique. A later proof of tbe connection 
of East Africa with the Arabian Peninsula is fur- 
nished by the fact that in the South Arabian 
religioxis wars of the eighth centiiry negro slaves 
formed a considerable portion of the armies en- 
gaged.* Their number and power increased so 
much that a hundred years later they were able to 
enter on a conflict with their oppressors. In 869 
a fierce servile war broke out, which, starting from 
Basra, devastated South Irak and Kurdistan for 
fourteen years, and threatened to overthrow the 
Arab domination there. The leader of the rebels 
was the Arab Ali bin Muhammed, nicknamed El 
Khabith (the Monster). His hordes were called the 
Zeng, a word equivalent to the Zingis of the Greeks, 
which was used to designate the East Coast and its 
inhabitants, and which still survives in the word 
Zanzibar (Arabic Zengihar = Land of the Zeng). 

While, then, we have such clear proof that 
African natives were carried off in masses as slaves 
to more northerly countries, on the other hand, 
political conditions in these regions in the seventh 
and following centuries were such as could not 
fail to favour migration to the new regions. In 
630 Muhammed had imposed his doctrines and 
political influence on the city of Mecca, from which 
he had had to flee eight years before ; two years 
later all Arabia lay at his feet. Under his suc- 
cessors — Abu Bekr, Omar, and Othman — Islam 
began that brilliant career of victory which ended 

* Miiller, ' Der Islam in Morgen- und Abendland,' Berlin, 
1885, vol. i., p. 583 et seq. 



with the subjugation of Southern Persia, Syria, 
Egypt, and the whole of North Africa. The assas- 
sination of Othman in the year 656 gave the first 
blow'^- to the creed which had till then seemed 
invincible, and sowed the first seed of a fratricidal 
quarrel which has lasted ever since. Othman's 
behaviour had shown him to be an unworthy suc- 
cessor of the Prophet, and he fell by the dagger of 
fanatics. Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of the 
Prophet, was legally chosen as his successor, but 
was not recognised by Othman's adherents, who 
accused him of complicity in the murder of Othman. 
Moawija was hoisted on the shield by them. Several 
sanguinary battles were followed in 657 by an 
armistice, and it was decided to refer to a court of 
arbitration the question who should be Khalif . But 
not only was no agreement arrived at : the hoped-for 
remedy itself proved a source of fresh discord. 
The very acceptance of the armistice was a sin 
against the Koran, which forbids making terms with 
rebels against God's will, and enjoins war to the 
knife against them. All who implicitly followed 
the divine precepts separated from the adherents 
of Ali, and under the name of Kharigites, or 
Separatists, took up the struggle with those who 
had rebelled against God's word. In the famous 
Battle of Nahrawan (658) they were slain ahnost to 
a man, but their belief did not perish with them. 
In 661 a Kharigite murdered Ali, whose son gave 
up his claims to Moawija, and he in turn became 

* Sachau, ' Eeligioae Anschauungen der Ibaditischen Muha. 
medaner,' in the Mitteilungen des Semmais fiir Orientalische 
Spracheii, Berlin, 1898. 


the object of a desperate feud on the part of the 
Kharigites, which was fatal to the latter. Yet, 
despite these reverses, the sect survived, and 
founded a new State in Oman, whose inhabitants 
were later to be the lords of East Afi-ica ; and such, 
with their old inflexible religion, they have in a 
certain sense remained to the present day, greatly as 
the last decades have undermined their domination. 

It is in accordance with human nature that in- 
ternal dissensions such as those described above 
should favour migration to peaceful regions. That 
such actually took place to the East Coast one or 
two centuries later is established by an old Arab 
chronicle, which feU into the hands of the Portu- 
guese at the taking of Kilwa in 1505. 

This chronicle lays no claim to accuracy, espe- 
cially in its earlier parts. It sets forth that the first 
Arab settlers in East Africa were followers of Said, 
a son of Hussein, the great-grandson of the Prophet. 
In it they are designated by the Arabic expression 
' unmaet Said,' which has been corrupted by later 
writers into ' Emosaides.' These Emosaides are 
said to have founded no permanent towns, but 
merely to have lived together for mutual protection. 
It was not till a century later, apparently, that the 
first Muhammedan towns were founded, and the 
first step thus taken towards subjecting the littoral. 
About A.D. 900, the chronicle relates, a band of 
Arabs, driven out by the state of affairs at home, 
fled from the town of El Hasa, on the Persian 
Gulf, and in three ships, under the leadership of 
nine brothers, reached the Somali coast, where they 
founded the towns of Mogdishu and Brawa. A 


further migration — a Persian one this time — • 
followed, according to the chronicle, some seventy- 
years later. It seems that Ali, a son of Sultan 
Hassan, of Persia, left his home in Shiraz owing to 
family dissensions. Attracted by stories of the gold 
which abounded in Africa, he sailed from Ormuz 
with two ships for the settlements mentioned ; but 
as he could not get on with the Arabs, he went 
further south, and founded the city of Kilwa, which 
later attained to great prosperity. A second chronicle 
of Kilwa that has come down to us also ascribes the 
founding of the city to Ali, although it varies in 
details from the version of the iirst chronicle. 
According to the first of the two chronicles Ali's 
son Muhammed subsequently founded Mombasa, a 
statement confirmed by a still extant chronicle of 
the latter city — at least, in so far that, according to 
it, the oldest rulers of the city were sheikhs from 

The people to-day still preserve the memory of 
an earlier Persian immigration ; and from many 
details, into which this is not the place to enter, it 
may be taken for certain that for a long time Shirazi 
families, with a culture far in advance of the present 
Arab civilization, ruled the East Coast, without 
driving away by their presence the Arabs previously 
settled there, who probably were always numerically 
superior to them. A trace of such coexistence of 
Arab and Shirazi domination continued in Zanzibar 
until lately. The island had long been in posses- 
sion of the Arabs, and when Said, Sultan of Maskat, 
transferred his capital thither in 1832, could be 
regarded as a wholly Arab country. Nevertheless, 


there reigned side by side with this Sultan, scarcely 
three hours' journey from his capital, perfectly 
undisturbed, and without a sign of dependence, 
under the designation of Mivinyi Mhuu (Great 
Lord), a ruler of undoubted Shirazi descent, whom 
the original inhabitants of the islands, the Waha- 
dimu and Watambatu, regarded as their legitimate 
sovereign. This extraordinary state of things did 
not cease till the death, in 1856, of the last scion of 
that family. His grave lies close before the palace 
of the Arab Sultan (in the grounds of the German 
club). How matters developed further on the East 
Coast cannot be ascertained from the existing 
chronicles. After the manner of all Arab records, 
they give long-winded genealogical tables, which 
have no interest for posterity, and from which the 
student can gather but little as to the degree of 
civihzation prevailing at various times. All that 
need be dwelt on is that towards the end of the 
twelfth century there appears to have been at 
Kilwa a ruler of the name of Hassan, who, during a 
reign of eighteen years, brought his city to a high 
state of prosperity, and made it the mistress of trade 
as far down as Sofala. He is said also to have 
erected a large fortress and many stone buildings. 

Mogdishu also must at that time have been an 
important town, as may be gathered from two in- 
scriptions, dated respectively 1238 and 1269, pre- 
served there. This tallies with other accoimts, 
according to which trade in India, as in the whole 
Arabian Sea, was at that time particularly flourishing. 
Even the Chinese, who had long carried on a brisk 
traffic with India, came to East Africa soon after. 


Marco Polo (1270-1293) informs us that the Emperor 
of China sent a whole Chinese fleet on a voyage of 
discovery to Madagascar, and from later Chinese 
sources it appears that Chinese junks visited Mog- 
dishu. The connection of this ancient civilized 
nation with our coast is confirmed by the finding of 
Chinese coins at Kilwa and Mogdishu. The coins 
range from the sixth to the twelfth centuries of 
our era. 

A new epoch was inaugurated for East Africa 
with the voyages of discovery of the Portuguese, 
beginning with the circumnavigation of the southern 
extremity of the continent by Bartholomeu Dias 
(1487) and the voyage to India of Vasco da Gama 
(1497-1502). From that time on these lands are 
brought geographically nearer to us. In what stage 
the Portuguese then found Semitic culture on the 
East Coast, whether just at its acme or already 
beginning to decline, can hardly be determined ; 
at any rate, their narratives are full of wonder 
at what they saw, which certainly must have 
been very different from what they were accus- 
tomed to see on the uncivilized West Coast. Along 
the whole coast, from Sofala to India, an extensive 
traffic was carried on, especially in gold and clothing 
material of all kinds. The inhabitants were white 
and black Moors (Arabs and Swahili) ; both races 
were well clad and richly decked with gold and 
jewels. Soon, by conquest or treachery, the whole 
coast became a Portuguese possession. But as yet 
only the coast is spoken of. There is no talk of 
further penetration into the interior — nay, nothing 
appears to be known of the country beyond 


the walls of the fortified coast settlements. They 
content themselves with sucking the goodness out 
of the coimtry from there. The Portuguese were far 
worse colonists than the Arabs. Their rule bore 
within it the seed of death, and two hxmdred years 
later no trace of Portuguese conquest remained on 
African soil. They left nothing distinctive behind 
them in the country ; the towns which they found 
prospering are in ruins, and only here and there a 
stone inscription or a cannon buried in the sand of 
the shore reminds us that centuries ago the long- 
A^anished might of a European nation was displayed 

After the common enemy had been finally driven 
away there arose, in the second half of the eighteenth 
century, an internecine strife between the two Arab 
races, which again brought serious calamity on the 
country and ended in the final victory of the Busaid 
dynasty, the rulers of that Oman already spoken of, 
a small and wretched little country in the north-east 
corner of Arabia. Under Sultan Said (1804-1856) a 
new period of prosperity set in for East Africa. As 
a lad of sixteen this talented and unscrupulous ruler 
deposed his uncle, Kis bin Ahmed, from the throne 
of Oman ; a few years later his last enemies in Mom- 
basa had been overthrown by cunning or by force of 
arms, and when at length, in 1832, he transferred 
his capital to Zanzibar, a vast reahn extending from 
the north-east extremity of Arabia right down the 
east coast as far as Cape Delgado was ixnited under 
his sceptre. 

True, here again it is only the coasts of the East 
African mainland on which a direct political influence 


is exercised, but individual attempts to penetrate into 
the interior and secure its treasures have already 
begun. The gold of Sofala has fallen into oblivion, 
but new objects of value have taken its place. 
The cultivation of cloves, which had become familiar 
in Mauritius, has been introduced in Zanzibar, and 
in an astonishingly short time conquers that island 
and Pemba, to which it still gives its stamp. Now, 
for the working of the clove plantations labour is 
needed, and this is furnished in ample measure by 
the dark interior. Such of it as cannot be utilized 
in the broad plantations is exported, as was the case 
over a thousand years before, to the North, to Arabia 
and the countries on the Persian Gulf, and brings 
rich profits to the slave-hunters and middlemen, and 
not less to the ruler of the country, who levies 
a considerable poll-tax on every slave brought to 

A further important article of commerce is ivory, 
the thirst for which entices men further and further 
into regions where the value of the precious tusk is 
not yet known, and for a piece of bright-coloured stufE 
any amount can be obtained in exchange from the 
inexperienced natives, unless the trader prefers to 
take it from them by force. Gradually, too, folks 
find their way to the great lakes. On the route to 
Tanganyika the town of Tabora has become an 
entrepot, where a great number of Arabs and Indian 
traders have taken up their abode, and are ruled by 
the Vali, the Sultan's own representative, who ad- 
ministers justice there in the name of his master 
and is dependent on his commands. On the lake 
itself flourishes the town of Ujiji, which again 


is subject to the Sultan. In short, a new life has 
awoke ; trade reaches a high pitch of prosperity, 
and whoever has the daring necessary to face a 
journey into the interior, with its dangers, can, in 
a short space of time, become a rich man. 



' What from thy fathers thou inherit'st 
That earn and make indeed thine own.' 

Goethe : Faust. 

The coininenceineiit of the journeys undertaken by 
daring slave- and ivory-hunters, which, led to the 
ultimate founding of Tabora and Ujiji, dates back 
to a far earlier period, of course, than the reign of 
Said just described. The first adventurers must 
have found what they sought — viz., slaves and ivory 
— in the neighbourhood of the coast. After the 
nearer districts had been depopulated or the sur- 
vivors grown too strong for violence and too artful 
in trading, they gradually advanced further and 
further ; and he who was brave enough to push for- 
ward into unknown tracts always found in the 
boundless interior a new sphere to which no Arab 
had penetrated before him, and which he, as the first 
comer, could exploit. If the inhabitants were war- 
like and he could not rely on his own strength — a 
certain display of force was always an essential in 
untried regions — the traveller could resort to the 
way of diplomatic manoeuvring in peaceful trade and 



wheedle out of the inexperienced savages the precious 
ivory, whose value they did not know, at a cheap 
rate, and could also barter a few pieces of coloured 
cloth for a whole herd of slaves. If, on the contrary, 
the natives were weak and victory seemed certain, 
a shorter procedure was adopted. Peaceful hamlets 
were surprised and plundered, and such of the 
natives as could be captured were carried ofE 
as slaves. In this fashion many an Arab who 
went forth a poor man must have returned home 
wealthy, and there by the tales he told or the 
display of his wealth spread the news that in East 
Africa, with a little audacity, a man might soon 
become rich. The success of the first comers con- 
stantly incited fresh adventurers to seek fortune in 
these unknown regions. 

It was this spirit of adventure that about the 
middle of the last century led a member of a re- 
spected Muscat family, Juma bin Muhammed el 
Nebhani, to the gainful coast of East Africa. He 
settled at Mbwa Maji, a small village to the south 
of the present German capital of Dar-es-Salaam. 
There he married a negress, who bore him three 
children — a son named Muhanmied and two 
daughters, the eldest called Mwana Arabu. Having 
grown rich, he returned to his home at Muscat with 
his son, who had meanwhile grown up, to end his 
days there. His son, however, went back to East 
Africa, this time in company with Rajab bin 
Muhammed bin Said el Murgebi, the great-grand- 
father of our hero. To him he gave in marriage 
his sister Mwana Arabu, who had remained behind 
at Mbwa Maji, and from this union sprang Juma 


bin Rajab, an enterprising leader of caravans, who, 
by daring raids to Tabora and Lake Tanganyika, 
was already winning great influence. 

Through him Mwura, grandfather of the after- 
wards so much dreaded bandit, became 
Sultan of Ujoa, a small tract lying west of Uriakuru. 
Later on he travelled together with his son 
Muhammed, Tippoo Tib's father, who raised him- 
self still further by an advantageoiis marriage. 
Fundi Kira, the then powerful Sultan of Tabora, 
gave him his daughter Karunde to wife. But as 
the Muhammedan is allowed to have four wives — 
the number of concubines whom he may choose as 
well from among his slaves is unlimited, and depends 
entirely on the means of the individual — he naarried 
besides at Zanzibar the daughter of a respected and 
prosperous Muscat family. Bint Habib bin Bushir, 
of the clan of Wardi, who had previously been 
married to her relative Masud bin Muhammed, but 
had been divorced by him^ — a common occurrence 
among Arabs. 

From this new marriage sprang Hamed bin 
Muhammed, surnamed Tippoo Tib. He first saw 
the light at the shamba of Kwarara, in Zanzibar, be- 
longing to a relative of his mother's. His bringing- 
tip was, in accordance with Arab custom, the simplest 
conceivable. At about six years of age he was 
handed over to an ignorant tutor to learn reading 
and writing by the help of the Koran. After the 
attempt had failed in the case of the first teacher, 
he was entrusted to a second, who, when the 
iisual period of learning was at an end, dismissed 
him as an ' educated man.' As he grew up he made 


timself as useM as he could on his mother's 
property ; at sixteen he set out on his first journey. 
Together with some relatives on his mother's side, 
among them his half-brother Bushir bin Habib, 
he travelled the opposite coast, trading in copal, 
at first on a small scale, as suited his slender 

At eighteen he was summoned by his father, who 
usually lived at Tabora, but came now and again to 
the coast, to undertake a great journey. At Ugangi, 
north-east of Lake Nyassa, they traded in ivory and 
slaves, selling their acquisitions later on at Zanzibar. 
When the father returned to Tabora he took his son 
with him. On the way the latter was attacked by 
the small-pox, a disease which never quite dies out 
in East Africa, and has left its cruel mark on many 
a negro and Arab face. Thus the unhappy pretender 
to the throne, Seyyid Khalid, son of the power- 
ful Sultan Burghash, who lives at Dar-es-salaam, has 
had his fine Oriental features woefully disfigured by 
it. The disease, strange to say, has left no visible 
traces on Tippoo Tib ; his beauty would have suf- 
fered no loss even if it had, for, apart from the 
negative advantage of having no pock-marks, Tippoo 
Tib can certainly not claim to be an Adonis. His 
face shows the thorough negro type, which is the 
more remarkable as he comes of a good Arab family, 
and his pedigree was only defaced by his grand- 
mother on the father's side, who was a negress. 
None the less, he may call himself an Arab, for folks 
only ask about the origin of the father. The child 
of the blackest slave-woman counts for as much as 
the offspring of a princess if it is only born in 


legitimate wedlock. And, in spite of its easy disso- 
lution, every matrimonial alliance of a Muhammedan 
with any of his female slaves is legitimate. 

But to return to our chronological narrative. In 
Unyanyembe, the country of Tippoo Tib's father, 
a stay of only two months was made ; then the 
party went on, accompanied by a goodly band of 
Arabs, to Ujiji, on Lake Tanganyika. Here, how- 
ever, they found the prices of ivory unfavourable, 
so most of the Arabs determined to try their luck 
on the west side of Tanganyika, in Urua. Old 
Muhammed was recalled to Tabora by his duties as 
ruler, so he commissioned his son to trade for him 
in the new country, taking with him the objects of 
barter that were current there — pearls and mussels. 
But he was to travel under the supervision of an 
experienced man of the coast. Here the independent 
temper of the young merchant showed itseK for the 
first time. Though hardly eighteen, he indignantly 
rejected the suggestion that he should carry on his 
business under the control of another. ' If you want 
to trust your wares to this Swahili, and I am to be 
under him, it is better I should go back with you.' 
The old man put it to him that he was still young 
and did not know trade in Urua ; gladly as he 
would have entrusted the guidance of the caravan 
to him, he (Tippoo Tib) must reaUy give way 
this time. But Tippoo Tib remained obdurate, 
declaring that he must try it for once ; if things 
went wrong, in future his father might trust his 
affairs to whom he pleased. He thus obtained his 
father's permission, and set out on his journey. In 
great canoes — the hollowed-out trunks of mighty 


trees, such, as only tlie primeval forest produces — 
they crossed Tanganyika in primitive fashion. 

It V7as a numerous band which took the vsray 
towards the little-knoAvn West : not less than twenty 
Arabs were eager to open up fresh sources of profit 
in the new country. They reached the abode of 
Mwagu Tambu, a Sultan of friendly disposition. 
The traffic in ivory was not exceptional, but it was 
tolerable. Large tusks were dear, small ones com- 
paratively cheap. While the other Arabs purchased 
the dearer large tusks, Tippoo Tib decided to buy 
the smaller specimens, and in doing so made a 
lucky speculation, as was shown later on the coast. 

As a rule large tusks, be it said, are more ex- 
pensive, and of these, again, the soft ones, as being 
easier to work, are from 20 to 30 per cent, dearer 
than the hard ones.* Among the soft tusks the 
following distinctions are made : Large tusks of 
best quality and slightly cxirved, suitable for making 
billiard-balls, have been quoted of late years at 
from 114 to 145 dollars (£17 to £23) per frasila 
(35 pounds). The next best kind, which is par- 
ticularly suitable for piano keys, is called, because it 
is principally exported to Europe, ' Bab Ulaia,' and 
of late years has fetched from 105 to 130 dollars 
(£15 to £20) per frasila. A third kind is exported 
to India, and is therefore called ' Bab Cutch,' and is 
used for the making of arm and leg rings. It fetches 
from 95 to 113 doUars (£14 to £17). SmaU tusks, 
which are obtained from the younger elephants, are 

* Of. the Trade Reports for at home and abroad, sepa- 
rately published by the German Ministry of the Interior, 
Series III., No. 1, December, 1899. 


relatively much cheaper, yet they may also, under 
certain circumstances, reach high prices. As they 
are often used as ornaments when mounted in silver, 
the attractiveness of their shape and the fancy of 
the purchaser are the chief factors in determining 
their price. It is thus quite intelligible that Tippoo 
Tib was lucky in his speculation in small tusks ; he 
would have been even more successful with them 
to-day, as in order to spare the breed of elephants, 
both the German and the British Governments have 
forbidden the shooting of young elephants. 

After finishing their business they came on the 
way back to Mtoa, on the western shore of Tangan- 
yika. Here they heard of great changes that had 
taken place meanwhile in their new home, Unyan- 
yembe. Fundikira, the Sultan of Tabora, was dead, 
and the Overlord of the country had set up his 
nephew, Mnywa Sere (the ' '), as his 
successor. This aggrieved another relative, Mkasiva, 
who, being nearer to the throne, made preparations 
to wrest from the other his usurped sovereignty. 
Mnywa Sere did not wait to be attacked, but tried to 
crush his opponent before he grew too strong. A 
twenty days' conflict, however, resulted indecisively. 
He then turned for help to old Muhanmaed, whom 
he induced by rich presents of ivory to support him 
with a great number of Arabs and their dependents. 
Within a month Mkasiva was decisively routed, a 
great portion of his followers killed, and others taken 
prisoners, while he himself escaped with difl&culty 
to Uriankuru. 

This cheaply-earned victory went to the ' Tembo- 
drinker's ' head, so that he began to oppress his 


former helpers, primarily in the shape of ' hongo ' 
or toll, an institution to which the chiefs in the in- 
terior, when they were strong enough, always resorted 
to enrich themselves at the expense of passing 
caravans. Where there was no help for it, people put 
up with this, only the contribution had to be kept 
within reasonable bounds. With Mnywa Sere this 
was not the case : he made very large demands, and 
the business was highly profitable, for the immigra- 
tion of Arabs was about this time particularly great, 
favoured by the political events in Zanzibar, which 
drove a great number of them to leave their homes. 
In 1856 Seyyid* Said, the powerful Sultan, had 
died ; he was the last of his race to unite the 
dominions in East Africa and Oman under one 
sceptre. A great lover of women, he had owned a 
splendid harem, from which had sprung some 
twenty sons, beside numerous daughters. The eldest, 
Thueni, took the reins in Oman ; in Zanzibar Majid 
ascended the throne, much to the grief of his next 
brother, afterwards Sultan Burghash, who would 
have liked to become ruler himself. After various 
smaller intrigues, he made in 1859 a determined 
attempt to overthrow Seyyid Majid. 

In the interior of the island, some four hours' 
journey from the city, lies a country-seat, to which 
Said, who was greatly under French influence, 
had given the name of Marseille. Now that the 

* ' Seyyid ' signifies ' lord,' and is the attribute of the Sultan- 
and his belongings. ' Said,' with a guttural sound before the i, 
is a proper name, and means ' lucky.' In Swahili pronunciation 
the two words sound almost alike, and so they are mostly 
wrongly reproduced by European writers. 



importance of France in Zanzibar Jtas diminished 
people have forgotten the foreign title, and gone 
back to the old name Machui, which signifies some- 
thing like ' in the wilderness.' Here Bnrghash 
had assembled his forces, after an attempt in the city 
had failed. Majid, who was too weak to contend 
with Burghash alone, called to his aid the English, 
who placed a detachment of sailors at his disposal. 
An inglorious attack, in which the Sultan's troops 
and the English contended for the lead- — the wrong 
way about — failed indeed, yet so far alarmed Bur- 
ghash that he stole away in the night and con- 
cluded peace. He was exiled to Bombay, and his 
adherents were likewise banished or imprisoned, 
those that were well-to-do being further punished 
with confiscations of property, an arrangement as 
painful to the sufierer as gratifying to the inflicter. 
Greatly injured in this way, and still not secure 
against Majid's vengeance, many Arabs migrated, 
to seek a new home in the interior, chiefly at 
Tabora and on Tanganyika. Descendants of the 
fugitives of that day are still numerous at Tabora. 

To these haughty Arabs it was, of course, mon- 
strous to endure the oppression of a ' Shensi ' — 
a savage — and so the bitterness against Mnywa 
Sere grew more and more ; yet no one dared under- 
take anything against the favourite of oldMuhammed. 
At length the tyrant himself made the measure run 
over by daring to have Karunde's imcle and mother 
murdered. If Muhammed had been a Western and 
a reader of * Fliegende Blatter,' he might, perhaps, 
have regarded the doing away with his mother-in-law 
as a friendly action ; but, being an Oriental, he fell 


into a passion over this interference in his family 
affairs, and planned revenge. He was at Ituru — 
the settlement belonging to him in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Tabora — when he learnt the news 
of the outrage. The Arabs living there were only 
too ready to follow him in arms. ' We have long 
been inclined,' they declared, ' to strike the tyrant ; it 
is only out of consideration for yoti that we have put 
up with his oppressions.' Inmiediately the plan of 
action was framed. It was proposed to band together 
aU the Arabs resident in the district, to wait for the 
coming of Tippoo Tib and his companions, which 
was expected shortly, and in the meantime to send 
secretly to Mkasiva, whom it was proposed to 
draw out of concealment, and set up as the suc- 
cessor of Mnywa Sere. This last mission was under- 
taken by the Arab Salum bin Sef el Bahari. In 
the remaining preparations the most prominent 
was taken by Thenei bin Amur, a ' Besar ' — i.e., 
an Arab from Oman, only not of pure blood, but 
the issue of the slave caste. These ' Besars ' as a 
rule occupy a subordinate position socially as com- 
pared with the full-blooded Arabs, the ' Kubails,' 
whom they have to address as ' Hebabi,' or ' Lord ' ; 
but often they are far superior to them in intelli- 
gence, and attain to considerable wealth — an 
advantage which, as money everywhere is in 
good repute, in its turn helps to raise their im- 
portance. Thenei was one of these honourable 
exceptions to his class, and enjoyed great con- 
sideration among the Arabs. His proposal that all 
Arabs should assemble at one place, and thus stand 
prepared for a possible sudden attack by Mnywa 


Sere, was readily adopted, the more so as lie 
closed his instructions with the pithy comment : 
'He who does not hearken to me understands 
nothing of the conduct of war ; let him hereafter, 
if things go wrong, blame not me, but himself ' 
(from the Koran : Sura Ibrahim, xiv. 27). 

The place of assembly appointed was the hamlet 
of Kwihara, not far from Tabora, where within 
twelve days some 300 to 400 Arabs with their 
attendants were gathered. Tippoo Tib with his 
men also arrived at this stage of the preparations, 
and took up his quarters with Sultan bin Ali, 
the chief of Kwihara. The latter had as yet no 
idea of the plan of campaign, and may well have 
been astonished to find such a number of guests 
on his hands. With true Arab hospitality, however, 
he set his best before them ; for, according to custom, 
the host may not ask till the third day what brings 
the stranger to him. But presimiably they initiated 
him before that. 

It all but went ill with them as they were feasting 
at Kwihara, for Mnywa Sere had got wind of their 
intentions, and endeavoured to frustrate them by 
attacking first. There lived at Tabora an Indian 
trader, Musa, surnamed the Handsome, who some 
years before, following the migration westward, had 
come to the country, in company with a compatriot 
who had since died, to promote civilization by the 
sale of brandy and other modern requirements. 
One of his principal customers was Mnywa Sere, 
who bartered the to him valueless ivory with the 
ingenious middleman for the marvels of European 
and Indian industry. 


At this time messengers from the Sultan had just 
come on matters of business to the Indian. As his 
interest required, the handsome Musa at once gave 
these people the necessary hints. ' The Arabs are 
planning something against your Sultan. They 
have assembled at Kwihara, at Sultan bin Ali's, and 
are only waiting for Mkasiva, whom they mean to 
set up as the new Sultan.' In all haste the mes- 
sengers conveyed the weighty news to their master, 
who in his first eagerness formed the sensible 
resolution to be the first in the field, and by an 
immediate attack on the Arabs loitering at Kwihara 
put a speedy end to the war ; but, with the usual 
recklessness of the negro, in the end he allowed 
himseK to be persuaded by his indolent followers to 
wait till he was attacked. ' One could not tell as 
yet whether the whole thing was not a fraud. And 
even if it was true, he would by-and-by make child's 
play of conquering the Arabs.' He had at that 
time, Tippoo Tib declares, a large force. ' If he 
had come it wotJd have been most dangerous for 
us, and our food would probably have never tasted 
sweet to us again.' 

At length Mkasiva arrived. The war for which 
such ample preparations had been made began. For 
three months they ravaged, burned, and plundered ; 
and then the power of the ' Tembo-drinker ' was 
broken. He himself escaped, and Mkasiva became 
Sultan. Soon after the war Tippoo Tib returned to 
the coast. 



' He ever was a wicked wight ; 
Him Heaven's vengeance smbte aright.' 

P. Kind : Freischiitz. 

At Zanzibar Tippoo Tib first carried out certain 
conunissions of his father's : he sold his ivory and 
sent him further articles of barter in the interior. 
He himself did not for the present return to Un- 
yanzembe, but began to travel on his own account. 
As he naturally, as a young beginner, had but scanty 
credit — he had to borrow money in sums of from 
one to a thousand doUars— he contented himself for 
the time with smaller imdertakings ; but as he suc- 
ceeded in these he extended his expeditions further 
into the interior, and at last undertook a longer 
journey into the Tanganyika districts, which 
brought him in much ivory and probably many 
slaves as well. When he returned from this tour 
to Zanzibar, twelve years had passed since his first 
trip to Tabora. In that time he had become a rich 

Things had not gone so well with his young half- 
brother and friend, Muhammed bin Masud el Wardi, 
whom now for the first time he saw again in their 



home after a long separation. In the meantime 
he had tried his luck in another way. He had 
' traded,' as it is very discreetly styled in Tippoo 
Tib's jottings, between Ngao, the southern coast 
district of our colony, and the Benadir coast. 
On my asking further the nature of this trading, 
Tippoo Tib had to own with a smirk that his 
brother had undertaken slave-hunts in the south, 
and sold his booty in more northerly regions. He 
had not grown rich from it, for his friend Muham- 
med bin Said el Herthi, with whom he had been 
iu partnership in the business, had recklessly 
squandered all the takings, and left nothing over 
for him. He therefore gladly joined his brother, 
who was already beginning to be famous, when the 
latter again started for the interior. To be sure, 
he could contribute as yet only on a small scale, for 
it was not possible for him to borrow more than 
5,000 dollars. 

Tippoo Tib, on the other hand, started with goods 
to the value of 30,000 dollars, though he had to 
search diligently for people who would give him 
credit. He left twenty creditors behind oscillating 
between fear and hope. It was no light matter, in 
view of the tmcertain conditions, to stake much 
money on a caravan for the interior. How many 
of them never came back again ! Either the whole 
was wiped out by savages or the leader died, and 
all the property was made away with by his un- 
skilful or faithless followers. In many cases, too, 
the debtor preferred, instead of abiding by his 
obligations in Zanzibar, to lead a showy life in the 
interior with other people's money. Wissmann, in 


his crossing of Africa in 1883, encountered sticIl a 
worthy ■•^•' in Nyangwe. On the other hand, the 
profit was all the greater when a debtor came 
back richly laden from the interior. The Indians 
keep a good tally ; they are not apt to forget any- 
thing ; indeed, they are more likely to enter an item 
twice over to make sure. And the Arab, to whom 
book-keeping is an abomination — the acknowledg- 
ment of a debt is the only document he ever keeps 
— pays willingly, provided he has the means, in 
order to keep up his credit. He will need the cash- 
box of his Indian business friend for his next 
expedition. Of those who enter into such specula- 
tions, the Swahili say, ' Wanabahatisha sana ' ('They 
tempt Fortuine '). 

So the journey began, and not under very 
favourable auspices. On the mainland there was 
a famine. In order not to pass through quite im- 
poverished districts, Tippoo Tib chose, instead of 
the ordinary route by Usagara and Ugogo, the 
more southerly one by Urori, which also, as being 
little used, was the richer in ivory. But the 
Wanyamwezi — the tribe that usually furnishes 
the carriers (and very good ones)- — declined to 
foUow him there. The negro is in the highest 
degree conservative. What runs cotmter to das- 
turi, or ancient custom, is distasteful to him. The 
Wanyamwezi had been used in former journeys 
always to pass through Usagara and then through 
their native country, and now all of a sudden it 

* Abed bin Salem. Cf. WiBsmann, ' Unter Deutscher Flagge 
quer durch Afrika,' Berlin, 1889, pp. 181, 182. 


was to be thTO^^g]l Urori, a quite imknown region. 
They were not going to agree to that ! 

Then — a blessing in disguise — the famine came 
to the resciie in the difficulty. The Wasaramo, a 
tribe which usually would not condescend to porter's 
work, found themselves compelled by hard times 
to adopt that profitable means of livelihood. Two 
hundred men were speedily enlisted, and they were 
not dear. In addition to their keep, they got for 
the whole journey, which would probably last whole 
years, 10 dollars — i.e., at the present rate, about 
30 marks. From a fourth to a third of this was 
given to them beforehand. The journey began from 
Mbwa Maji, the place already mentioned, on the 
coast south of Dar-es-Salaam, at first in a southerly 
direction towards Rufiji. They crossed the little 
river Mbezi, and in three days reached Mkamba, 
where a halt was called, that they might equip 
themselves for a six days' journey through districts 
devoid of food. 

When the drum of the caravan sounded on the 
day appointed for the start, an unpleasant surprise 
was in store, which has brought many an African 
traveller to despair. The porters, delighted with 
their advance and in happy possession of provisions 
for six days, had made off in a body. The ngoma 
might resound as loudly as it would, not a carrier 
appeared. The men who were sent to the various 
quarters of the Wasaramo — of course, the whole 
700 had not found shelter in one place, but had 
housed themselves in the neighbouring villages, 
sixty men to a village — returned, unsuccessful ; no 
one came. ' Then my reason deserted me,' writes 


Tippoo Tib himself. He seems, however, to have 
been still capable of sound deliberation, for he at 
once called out his men, and proceeded with eighty 
guns back along the way he had come. They 
marched till dark, then simply bivouacked on the 
high-road, and the next morning reached the first 
abodes of the Wasaramo. 

The fugitives had, it is true, not yet arrived, but 
what did that matter to the Arab sense of justice ? 
The whole tribe had to pay for the misdeeds of its 
sons. Quickly enough 200 people were seized and 
put in irons. Resistance to the armed Swahilis was 
not to be thought of. So they moved, plundering 
and burning, from place to place, and within five 
days 800 people had been taken captive. The 
promptness with which Tippoo Tib had acted 
earned him the title of 'Kingugwa chui ' — i.e., the 
' Leopard,' who breaks in now here, now there. 

On being seized, they were temporarily secured in 
wooden yokes, such as every slave-hunter used, and 
taken to Mkamba, where an Indian merchant, 
Banyane Hila, lived. From him Tippoo Tib pro- 
cured iron rods and had chains forged of them by 
workmen whom he had taken with him expressly 
for that purpose. In these he put the involuntary 
carriers, and with them finally began his march. 
To ensure that no one should escape, he himseK 
brought up the rear ; at the head marched his 
brother, Muhammed bin Masud, whose powerful 
military following earned him among the Shensis 
the name of 'Kumbakumba,' ' the Gatherer of Every- 

Thus they reached Urori, where the powerful 


Sultan Merere was then reigning. He had formerly- 
been friendly to the Arabs, but later, being incensed 
at the wanton acts of travellers, changed his policy 
and attacked various caravans of his former friends. 
A certain Amran bin Masud, one of the Arabs who 
had fled after the unsuccessful attempt of Burghash, 
had avenged his compatriots on him, and so far 
hTimbled him that he was willing to purchase peace 
by a yearly payment of a hundred tusks. The 
victor would not agree to this. Later the fortune of 
war changed : Amran himself was defeated and lost 
his life in the conflict. 

When Tippoo Tib came there the country had 
just been reopened to peaceful trafl&c, and the con- 
ditions of trade were the most favourable conceiv- 
able. For from twelve to fifteen garments a frasila 
of ivory was to be had. It could be purchased 
also for a frasila of spices or a chest of soap, 
or for 15 pounds of powder. This happy state of 
trade caiised Tippoo Tib to leave one of his men 
behind in the country, to carry on business on his 
account, to whom he entrusted goods to the value 
of 6,000 dollars. He himself proceeded with the 
bulk of the caravan to Ruemba, where he was 
amicably received by the Sultan, but was unable to 
make any profitable bargains. This was mostly the 
case. Where the Arabs were wanted they were 
well received, but there was nothing profitable to 
be gained by them. 

Then Tippoo Tib resolved to go to Itahua, a 
country which then bore a very bad reputation. A 
Sultan ruled there named Nsama, a powerful and 
most bloodthirsty chief, of whom aU Arabs who had 


liitherto entered his territory had had a bad ex- 
perience. Tippoo Tib left his brother Muhammed 
bin Masud behind at Rnemba with 15 guns, and 
himself marched with 105 guns through Urunga to 
the dreaded country. Everywhere on the way the 
natives endeavoured to hold him back by tales of 
Nsama's power and cruelty. Moreover, an old Arab 
named Amer bin Said esh Shaqsi, who had spent 
years in the country, frightened him with an 
account of an expedition which he had made a con- 
siderable time ago with other Arabs, but from 
which very few had returned with whole skins. 
But our wanderer was powerfully attracted to this 
rich country, for all accounts agreed in affirming 
that there were untold treasures of ivory there. So 
he and his men crossed the stream which forms the 
boundary between Urungu and Itahua. 

Immediately on entering the country he acquired 
an idea of its wealth. They marched through 
luxuriant plantations from one populous township 
to another, and the natives were immoderately 
haughty towards the intruders. This was no 
wonder, for only a short time before they had 
given proof of their power. The robber tribe of 
the Wangoni, a terror to all adjacent countries, had 
endeavoured to surprise Nsama's powerful realm as 
well, but had been driven off with bloody sconces. 
Their defeat had contributed to heighten the repute 
of Nsama's invincibility. The neighbouring tribes 
had long been tributary to him, Ruemba and 
Urungu — nay, even the nearer townships of the 
great central African kingdom of Urua paid him 
contributions. After six days' march the caravan 


reached a mountain, at the foot of which was built 
a great city, Nsama's capital. Like all East African 
towns in old days, and many even now, it was 
strongly fortified with palisades, thorn-hedges and 
trenches.* Tippoo Tib pitched his camp outside 
the city on a spot assigned to him by Nsama's 
people. The next morning he with the other Arabs 
was siunmoned before the Sultan. As to the recep- 
tions and the events which followed it, we will 
allow him to give his own account. 

' We went and took him such and such gar- 
ments as a present. He was then a very old man, 
between eighty-six and ninety. He said to his 
attendants : " Carry me, so that I may show them 
the ivory." Then he was carried on their shoulders, 
and showed us a very great stock of ivory in the 
storehouses. Thereupon I said to him : " Sultan, 
will you not give us two tusks ?" Then he suddenly 
began to abuse me, and we could see that all the 
goods we had given the feUow were a dead loss. 
To the other Sultans we gave but few goods, and 
they used to give us each two or three tusks, while 
this man, to whom we had given a large present, 
abused me. 

' We took our leave and went to our camp. The 
next morning he sent us a messenger to summon 
us. We were to go into his city ; all Arabs were 
sent for. People were to come with us, too, to 
carry away the ivory. But he held his soldiers in 
readiness in great numbers, and we knew nothing 
of it. We went to the number of twenty, and took 

* Gf. Wissmann, ' Afrika : Schilderungen und Eatschlage.' 
Berlin, 1895. Pp. 19 et seq. 


ten of our slaves with. us. When we got there I, 
who was walking in front, was hit by three arrows — 
two me fairly, the other more slightly. A jo\mg 
man named Said bin Sef el Maamri was also 
wounded by a well-aimed arrow, and two slaves 
were wounded by arrows, and died at once. But 
we had our guns at the ready, loaded with bullets 
and biggish shot, and they were standing in separate 
groups. At a shot they fell like birds. When our 
guns began to crackle 200 people feU at once ; 
others were trampled down, and so died. They 
hurriedly took to flight. Within an hour over 
1,000 fell. On our side only the two slaves and 
we two were wounded, and the town was really very 
large. So they were routed and fled. They took 
their Sultan with them. At last, by two o'clock, 
there was not a soul left in the city, except blind 
people and such as had had their noses or arms cut 
off, for he was very cruel. If one of his people 
committed any offence, he used to put out his eyes, 
or cut off his nose or an arm. We took these to 
our camp, and found our folks uninjured and in 
good condition, goods and all. Thereupon we went 
back to the city. 

' Towards evening the enemy came in bands and 
surrounded the city. Some said, " We will break 
in in the night and slay them "; others, " We will 
try to break in towards morning." They had come 
in great masses, even the Sultan's sons, who lived at 
some distance — all had come except those who lived 
very far off. Biit I was wounded by the arrows 
which had struck me. I called Bushir bin Hahib el 
Wardi, my uncle, and said to him : " What do you 


think about it ? Choose out the best men who are 
not afraid." And he got together some fifty or 
sixty of the best guns, and gave the men coarse 
shot, and they loaded the guns with shot and bullets. 
But the others, when they saw themselves so strong, 
and found that we were only few men, took courage : 
they lighted fires, and beat their dnun, and smoked 
hemp and tobacco. Then I and Bushir bin 
Habib gave orders, and said to them : " Ten guns 
are to go to each door, for they will not see us 
because of their fire. Then shoot, and when you 
have fired ofl: your guns come back." And they 
went, ten guns to the appointed door. When they 
came near the guns crackled, and on every side 
they fired off their charge at once, so that the 
Shensis said : " Perhaps they have pulled down the 
homa." Then the men came back. Suddenly we 
heard the Shensis calling to each other, then they 
lay down where they stood. 

' The next morning, about a quarter to seven, our 
men went out, and saw that about 600 Shensis had 
fallen, and the weapons — spears, arrows, bows, 
drums, and axes — which they had thrown away 
were not to be counted. They had stood in groups, 
you see. We waited a short time. When it was 
two o'clock the Shensis advanced on us in great 
crowds. However, they were already frightened. 
We let them come close to the boma, then our 
people charged ; and not seven minutes had passed 
when they took to flight, and 150 men had fallen, 
while we had been lucky — only two men fell. And 
they were pursued a space of over two hours, then 
our people came back. Finally, on the third day 



even more of them came than on any of the 
previous days, and they came quite close to the 
boma. Our people charged, and routed the enemy, 
over 250 of whom were killed, and they were pur- 
sued a long distance. Not till seven hours after- 
Avards did our men come back. On our side only 
three men were killed and foixr wounded. 

'After that day they did not come back again, 
and there was no one there who claimed the ivory 
in the town. And we were in fear, for the country 
was large and the inliabitants many. And from 
the capital it was a quick four days' march with 
loads to Urungu, by the way we had come. And 
we remained in the city, in great fear, until I had 
recovered from those arrow woimds. When I 
was well I called together my men, freeborn 
and slaves, and said to them : " What do you 
advise me to do?" But no one answered me. 
Then I said to them : "I have determined to march 
out and look for them, for for many days we have 
not known where they lie." 

' Then spake Bushir bin Habib el Wardi : " I 
wiU go ; it is not good for you to march, for you 
are not strong enough yet." And he left twenty 
guns behind ; he set off with all the rest. Even the 
people that had no guns — some 500 men — he took 
with him. About seven o'clock they started, and 
we waited till about five o'clock, when they had not 
yet come back, nor had we heard anything of them. 
And we were greatly afraid. At last, towards sun- 
set, we heard the ngoma sound from beyond the 
mountain, and they fired guns, and gave vent to a 
shout of joy. Then they came themselves.' 


They brought rich booty with them, some 
1,000 slaves, and an untold number of goats. To 
be sure, a drop of gall was mingled with the rejoicing. 
On the march towards the frontier they had seen 
the corpses of many men of the coast that were 
unknown to them. As it afterwards turned out, a 
great caravan from Urungu had come into Nsama's 
country to buy ivory by the same route by which 
Tippoo Tib had marched. They came to the 
country just when Nsama was defeated. Out of 
revenge, the strangers, who no doubt were believed 
to be in league with Tippoo Tib, were attacked and 
cut down to the last man. The whole of their 
merchandise fell a prey to the Shensis. Tippoo Tib 
now waited a few days more. But as nothing further 
was heard of the enemy, he was able to give him- 
self up to the pleasant conviction that he remained 
the final victor. 

The first thing was to secure the booty. Of ivory 
alone there appeared to be 1,950 frasilas, which, 
taking the frasila at the then price of £7, gave a 
profit of £13,650. At the present day, when a 
frasila costs about £15, the ivory taken would 
produce, in roimd numbers, £30,000 — a small 
fortune. In addition to this, they took 700 frasilas 
of copper and a quantity of salt. 

With these spoils Tippoo Tib returned to Urungu. 
He was greatly honoured by the Sultan there, 
Chungu, for Chungu had long been an enemy of 
Nsama, at whose tardy fall he was naturally de- 
lighted. He at once offered to support the Arabs in 
further warfare against Nsama. With his help a 
deliberate war of extermination was carried on 



against Itahua, wliicli, after two months, ended in 
Nsama's entire overtlirow. He was granted peace 
in return for the payment of a large tribute. In 
these conflicts Tippoo Tib, who was still suffering 
from the effects of his wounds, did not take part, 
but remained at Urungu. 

Here he also met the English missionary Living- 
stone, to whose accounts we owe much concerning 
these regions and the events of that time. Although 
they are written in primitive fashion — the explorer, 
who was devoid of all proper means, at times used 
the edgings of newspaper sheets and ink from a 
tree for his jottings — yet, however fragmentary they 
may be, they are certainly accurate, and often more 
reliable than the reports of Tippoo Tib, mostly 
somewhat boastfully compiled. Moreover, the Arab 
never makes a good historian. Whoever reads our 
hero's autobiography will feel that he suffers from 
the same prolixity as the chronicles cited at the 
outset of the oldest African history. Livingstone 
was then on his last journey, which he began in the 
early part of 1866 from Zanzibar, and on which, in 
April, 1873, he found his death in the village of 
Itala. He had marched up the Rowuma to the 
Nyassa, and had passed through the same districts 
as Tippoo Tib. He made the, to us, interesting 
discovery that the Arabs had only penetrated to 
Urungu a very short time before. The older natives 
could still very weU. remember the time when there 
were no Muhammedans in the country, and as 
yet the Moslem faith had not spread far. 

On May 12, 1867, he heard that the Arabs had 
come to blows with Nsama. Accounts varied as to 


the reason of the quarrel, and it was difficult to get 
to the bottom of the matter. The friendly Arabs 
Said bin Ali bin Mansur and Thani bin Swelim 
recounted that Nsama's people had gathered in 
threatening fashion round the Arabs, who in their 
alarm fired, whereupon Nsama fled and left the 
assailants behind in the village. Others declared 
that a dispute had arisen about an elephant's tusk. 
Both accoiints can be reconciled with Tippoo Tib's 
statement as to the origin of the quarrel. But 
Livingstone's reports as to the issue of the conflict 
differ. According to him, the Arabs were by no 
means sure of success ; they daily practised sorceries 
to discover how the further conflict with Nsama 
would turn out. So, too, the accounts of the 
booty obtained must have been exaggerated, for 
Livingstone received the impression that Tippoo 
Tib had lost greatly by the Nsama expedition. The 
Arabs themselves confess to having lost fifty men 
against him. Nsama seems to have lost only a few 
more. According to his accounts, too, the Arabs 
had only 20 guns at their disposal, while Tippoo Tib 
speaks of 105. Certainly the Livingstonian version 
would redound more to his credit, for the Enghsh 
explorer characterizes Nsama as the Napoleon of 
those regions. 

On July 29 the two travellers met at Ponda, a 
village three days' journey from Lake Mueru. 
According to his journal, Tippoo Tib presented 
Livingstone with a goat, a piece of white cotton, 
four large bushels of beads, and a bag of sorghum, 
and begged him to excuse his not being able to 
give more. Livingstone also records that Tippoo 


Tib had received two wounds in the fighting with 

From Livingstone's very concise notes of the 
meeting with Tippoo Tib we gather thus much — that 
the latter met him in a very friendly spirit. The 
Arab traveller's description of the rencontre is stiU 
more in his favour. It appears that he found Living- 
stone destitute of aU supplies. He describes him 
as quite an old man, and adds that his name was 
Livingstone, but that in the interior he called himself 
David. As an Arab, of course, he did not know 
the difference between Christian name and surname, 
and therefore regarded the two words as different 
names, just as he and his companions had their 
nicknames in the interior. Livingstone thus seems, 
like some other Europeans nowadays, to have been 
obHged, for the sake of greater intimacy, to have 
himself called simply by his Christian name by his 
blacks. This may bring the European humanly 
nearer to his inferiors, but in most cases undermines 
his authority. The black wants to feel a master over 
him ; he has no respect for a brother. 

According to his descriptions, Tippoo Tib all but 
saved Livingstone from destruction. He supplied 
him for several days, conducted him to Lake Mneru, 
and later on sent him with letters of recommenda- 
tion to Rimda to his friend Muhammed bin Saleh, 
an old Arab, who then took him in hand. Tippoo 
Tib also declared that he received various chests 
from Livingstone, together with a request to send 
them to Ujiji for him ; these he at once forwarded 
on an opportunity happening to present itself, and 
that at his own expense. How far these statements 


are founded on fact cannot be estimated. On the 
one hand, the events lie so far back that a mistake 
of Tippoo Tib's, who simply relates from memory, 
is not impossible ; on the other hand, Tippoo Tib, 
who always likes to play the grand seigneur, con- 
stantly distinguished himself by chivaboxis hos- 
pitality. Livingstone, for his part, cannot withhold 
his approval from the Arabs in those parts ; he finds 
them differing very advantageously from the slave- 
hunters whom he was accustomed to encoimter in 

In addition to this, Tippoo Tib always felt him- 
self attracted to Europeans. At a very early date 
he became convinced of the essential inferiority of 
his fellow-tribesmen, and may have divined even 
then that the Europeans were a superior breed, with 
whom would rest the ultimate victory over those 
who had hitherto been the rulers of the country. In 
Zanzibar Europeans had long been settled, who 
had traversed the broad seas and provided Muham- 
medan countries with treasures of civilization 
hitherto tmdreamt of by the Oriental. And that 
political power was combined with this wealth was 
proved by the warships of the Christians, which 
from time to time appeared in African waters, and 
had a whoUy different aspect from the vessels of 
their Sultan, which seemed so powerful to the 
Zanzibaris. And though the English missionary 
whom the Arab traveller met here in the interior 
presented such a modest and even wretched appear- 
ance, yet the Oriental bowed before the spirit of 
enterprise which drove forth the man of the West 
to pursue with the simplest means ideals un- 


known to him, yet assuredly not wortliless. What 
at that time, perhaps, was half instinct became later 
firm conviction in Tippoo Tib, and, like a born 
diplomat, he always sided with the Europeans, even 
against his own countrymen, as soon as it seemed 
advantageous to him. His later history will furnish 
several further instances of this. 

It is thus not improbable that events may have 
actually passed as Tippoo Tib relates them. That 
Livingstone is silent about many occurrences proves 
nothing in view of the nature of his accounts, which 
are only quite short entries in a diarj^ made under 
the most difiicult circumstances. On September 9 
he had an interview with Nsama, whom he visited 
in his new boma, built close beside the old. He 
depicts him as an old man with a good head and 
face. As he could no longer walk, his people had 
to carry him. His belly was greatly swollen from 
much drinking of pombe. He showed himself very 
friendly towards Livingstone as soon as he had 
assured himself of his peaceful intentions, and 
jpromised to furnish him with guides for subsequent 
journeys in his territory. The negotiations, how- 
ever, led to no result, as they were constantly in- 
terrupted by Nsama 's people, who bore themselves 
very disrespectfully towards their ruler. Nsama 
seems really to have been very much given to 
alcohol, for a month later — October 18 — Livingstone 
writes in his diary that the last he had heard of him 
was that he, a man of eighty, was performing dances 
to a musical accompaniment played by two women, 
and so would appear to have fallen into his dotage. 
In reality, however, it seems to have been only a 


question of a passing attack of drunken madness, for 
the Arabs maintained friendly relations with him for 
a long time afterwards. Only with his conqueror, 
Tippoo Tib, Nsama would have nothing more 
to do. 

It must also be mentioned that it was in these 
struggles that our hero received his well-known 
name. He himself declares that the Shensis, unac- 
customed to the firing of guns, called him so because 
his muskets always went ' tip, tip.' Livingstone 
writes, on the other hand, that the sheikh, at the 
sight of Nsama's treasures, exclaimed : ' Now I am 
Tippoo Tib, the gatherer of wealth.' If so, the 
etymology of the word remains obscure, for neither 
in Arabic nor in Swahili have the words the mean- 
ing attached to them by Livingstone. It can only 
be that a corresponding expression occurs in the 
Itahua language. Another version is also prevalent 
as to the origin of the name — viz., that Hamed 
bin Muhammed was so called on account of his 
nervous twitching of the eye, which must at once 
strike the negro, who is particularly observant of 
bodily defects. In view of the fondness of the 
Swahihs for word-painting, this explanation seems 
quite intelligible. The first version is, of course, 
more agreeable to him. 

Soon after the conclusion of peace Tippoo Tib 
began his march back to the coast. He took his 
way through Urungu to Mambwe, and from there 
turned aside to Euemba to fetch his brother Mu- 
hammed, whom he had left there. The inhabitants 
of the countries he passed through everywhere 
met him amicably. The news that he had beaten 


Nsama, wlio was reputed invincible, had spread 
with, lightning rapidity in all the adjacent districts, 
and all exerted themselves to win the favour of the 
victor. Carriers placed themselves readily at his 
disposal to carry the captured treasures from place 
to place. After the return from Ruemba the march 
was at once continued to Unyamwanga, Ujika, and 
Usafa, until at last they arrived again at Urori. 

Until then the inhabitants of the districts traversed 
had performed the duties of carriers, but now it 
proved impossible to obtain the requisite number 
of men for the further march to the coast. Tippoo 
Tib therefore proceeded to Tabora to enlist carriers. 
When he arrived there he found the to^wn deserted 
by the Arabs. His father, whom he would have liked 
to see again after years of separation, had gone on 
business to Kabwirr ; his remaining compatriots had 
gone to war. Relations between them and Sultan 
Mkasiva were again strained. 

Tippoo Tib dismounted at his stepmother Ka- 
runde's, and was received by her with all honour. 
The only Arab remaining in Tabora, Suud bin Said 
el Maamri, brother of a rich merchant still living in 
Zanzibar, urged him to take up his abode with him, 
and only after a long competition between his two 
entertainers for Tippoo Tib's coveted person, did the 
latter decide in favour of the more interesting com- 
pany of his compatriot. Two days later the Arabs 
returned from their expedition. They had been 
beaten and had lost their leader. They were conse- 
quently in a very depressed state of mind. Tippoo 
Tib quickly engaged the necessary carriers, and 
after waiting two months longer to no purpose for 


his father to come back, returned to Urori. Here 
a painful surprise awaited him. His confidential 
agent from Mbwa Maji had ahnost entirely made 
away with the merchandise entrusted to him to the 
value of 6,000 dollars ; only two slave-girls were 
forthcoming, who had evidently pleased him and, 
as love is proverhiaUy blind, had been bought by 
him at the unusual rate of 20 frasilas of ivory. To 
the experienced business eye of Tippoo Tib this 
seemed unheard-of, and he angrily chained up the 
amorous youth. After four days he set him free 
again, philosophically remarking to himself : ' He 
who beats himself must not cry.' For that matter, 
things had gone no better with his brother Muham- 
med bin Masud. His trusted agent had also made 
away with a considerable fortune, but managed to 
escape responsibility by falling ill of the smaU-pox 
and dying. 

After the pang of this unexpected loss had been 
got over the march to the coast began, the objective 
this time being Dar-es-Salaam. According to the 
custom still observed, the caravan spent the last 
night in the immediate neighbourhood of the town, 
so as to make its entry the next day quite fresh and 
in good order. On the 22nd day of Ramadhan, the 
sacred month of fasting of Islam, they had their 
last bivouac. At Dar-es-Salaam they found great 

Sultan Seyyid Majid, who with right judgment 
had realized that the basis of his power lay on the 
mainland which furnished him with his wealth, had 
determined to transfer his seat of government to 
Dar-es-Salaam, and already begun to build a palace 


worthy of himself there. Even before it was 
finished, he spent yearly several months on the 
mainland, and the great importance attached by him 
to his plan is shown by the fact that he was staying 
there even in the month when the Arab usually 
retires into meditative seclusion, for he promised 
himself a great future for his rule from the place. 
True, he was unable to carry out his plans. A few 
years later he died suddenly, and with him vanished 
the interest in the further building up of the 
sovereignty on the mainland. The palace, whose 
erection he had so energetically begun, remained 
incomplete, like many private houses in Zanzibar 
started with insufficient means, and at last fell into 
a heap of ruins, the remains of which can still be 
traced near the hospital. If Majid had lived, and been 
able to carry out his ambitious plans on the main- 
land, those daring expeditions of Dr. Peters and his 
companions to the Hinterland districts, which have 
led to the acquisition of a German colony in East 
Africa, would scarcely have been undertaken. 

But for the time being things were lively at Dar- 
es-Salaam. All who belonged to ' society ' had pro- 
ceeded with the Sultan's Court to the new capital. 
All the non-trading Consuls and a great number of 
other Europeans, all the better-class Arabs from 
Zanzibar, Pemba, Mombasa, and Lamu, as well as 
a great body of Indians, had followed the Sovereign. 
Among the latter were all the creditors of Tippoo 
Tib, in whom the arrival of the caravan naturally 
evoked great delight ; for on seeing the rich spoil in 
ivory they felt certain of receiving back the money 
they had advanced with high interest. But beside 


this tlie coming of the caravan excited the greatest 
interest in all circles as being the first one bound for 
the coast to reach the new capital. The Sultan him- 
self showed interest in the daring voyager, whom he 
loaded with high honours and entertained as his 
guest until the ' Great Feast,' which concludes the 
month of fasting (known in Turkey as the ' Festival 
of Bairam '). 

After the feast the whole Court returned to Zanzi- 
bar in three ships, headed by the Sultan and his 
notables and the foreign representatives on board a 
French man-of-war, while the remaining Arabs and 
the Indians followed in two smaller vessels. 



' Per angusta ad augusta.' 

At Zanzibar there set in for Tippoo Tib, after bis 
long years of wandering, a period of refreshment, 
which he could make as pleasant as he pleased now 
that he had gi-own rich in money and honours. But 
just as the European upon whom has once shone 
the tropical sun of Afi'ica, like the moth that flies to 
the candle, ever feels drawn again to the land of 
palms, so the traveller who had grown used to life 
in the wilderness coixld not long endure the leisured 
repose of the city. After a few months he is again 
revolving fresh plans of travel, which are supported 
by the Sultan himself, who naturally would only be 
too glad if the distant interior were opened up as far 
as possible by Arabs. In the first place, it brought 
to the country rich produce in ivory and slaves, and 
then it increased the political influence of the Sultan 
that as many as possible of his subjects should 
achieve importance in the interior. He therefore 
offered Tippoo Tib financial support as well, by 
directing the banyans who depended on him to give 
him credit up to any desired extent. 



' Banyan ' is a generic name, under which in 
East Africa are classed all heathen Indians. They 
are divided into a great number of castes, of which 
the highest is that of the priests, or Brahmins. 
The other higher castes, of which especially the 
Batias and Wanyans are represented here, are aU 
traders, and for the most part enjoy great pros- 
perity, which it must be admitted they have not 
always earned in an irreproachable way. They are 
in part great usurers, and enrich themselves in that 
capacity by advances on land at high interest. 
But there are also very respectable banyans, who 
have earned their wealth in an honourable manner. 
For instance, the then head of the Batia com- 
munity, Porsitom Tokarsi,--' was highly respected 
among Europeans and natives. The Ivory King, 
Ratu Bimji, at Zanzibar, is also reputed a trust- 
worthy man of business. 

Seyyid Majid had farmed the Customs to the then 
head of these banyans, one Ladda Damji. This 
man had grown most independent in his office and 
acted quite arbitrarily, as the Sultan did not trouble 
himself about internal affairs so long as he received 
his rent regularly. The farmer was, like his pre- 
decessor in the Gospel, a sinner. Among the Arabs 
whom he had managed to make dependent on him 
he was little loved. This Ladda, then — for so the 
Sultan desired — was to advance Tippoo Tib the 
money for a new journey. The latter did not like 
this at all ; he would much rather have borrowed 
of his former business friends, the Muhammedan 
Indians, but he did not dare to go counter to the 
* Since dead. 


will of the ruler, and so he agreed, submitting for 
the time with Oriental equanimity. After a time 
the Lord might yet order everything according to his 

So a year went hy, till Tippoo Tib was weary 
of inaction, and forged serioiis plans of travel. 
Heedless of his promise to Seyyid Majid, he turned 
to those who had previously given him credit, Nur 
Muhammed and Warsi Adwani, and declared to 
them he wanted to travel again, but was tired 
of borrowing, as before, of Tom and Harry. H they 
wanted to remain in commercial association with 
him, they must alone advance him the necessary 
goods. They replied that they could not supply all he 
wanted themselves, but that they would obtain what 
was wanted from Taria Topan (then an all-powerful 
Indian merchant, who later received an English 
title, and was called Sir Taria). On no account was 
he to have dealings with the banyan. But they 
delayed from day to day, while Ladda kept 
approaching Tippoo Tib with fresh offers of credit. 
At last Tippoo Tib entered into negotiations with 
him, and at once was assured of a credit of 50,000 
dollars. Tippoo Tib proudly remarks on this : 'And 
I had at that time not a plantation nor a house in 
Zanzibar or anywhere else in the world ; but,' he 
adds, ' I had a wife in Zanzibar, Bint Saturn bin 
Abdallah el Barwanie, who had much property in 
Zanzibar and Muscat.' The latter circumstance 
certainly did not weigh with the banyan, for 
he knew well enough that, in case things went 
wrong with Tippoo Tib, she would not have come 
forward with a pesa to cover his losses. He must 


have reckoned on Kismet and Tippoo Tib's star, 
and have also secretly cherished the hope that if he 
lost all his money, the Sultan, who had caused him 
to give the credit, would not leave him in the 

So Tippoo Tib went to the hated banyan, and 
received on the first day 6,000 dollars' worth of 
goods. When the carriers were going with them 
to his house, Warsi Adwani spied them out, and 
with all the jealousy of a rival at once asked for 
whom the things were. On their replying that they 
belonged to Tippoo Tib, he rushed straight to 
Taria Topan to carry him the melancholy news. 
Taria was no less incensed, and called Tippoo Tib 
to account, asking him how he could go to the 
banyans when he (Taria) had placed his whole credit 
at his disposal and commissioned Warsi Adwani 
to tell him so ; he must just take the goods back 
to the banyan as speedily as possible. 

This proposal, however, was more easily made 
than carried out. Ladda, of course, would not hear 
of taking the things back again. At last Tippoo 
Tib had recourse to the plan of putting forward his 
relative Juma bin Sef bin Juma, who was to take 
the goods already delivered and some more as weU. 
Tippoo Tib, to be sure, had to be security for him 
with Ladda. Hereupon Taria also hastened to 
deliver his supplies. It was the first time that he 
had lent on so insecure an enterprise as a caravan 
journey into the interior — a proof of how much 
confidence people placed in Tippoo Tib's spirit of 

Soon 200 loads were corded, which were sent 



on before to Ituru, the place of residence of old 
Muhammed. Tippoo Tib himself still remained in 
the city, in order to procure the substance which 
would ensure the success of his journey — the indis- 
pensable gunpowder. This was before the Brussels 
agreement, and gunpowder was to be got easily 
and cheaply, 26 lbs. costing 4 dollars. He bought 
in round numbers 5,000 dollars' worth, or over 300 
hundredweight ! He unconcernedly stored it in his 
house, which stood in the midst of the European 
quarter, and left it there for ten days, until he 
could ship it in dhows to Bagamoyo. But this 
light-hearted carelessness was not to be without 
its sequel. 

A month had passed since the shipment, when 
suddenly one evening two Arabs appeared at his 
house to surmnon him next morning before Sleman 
bin Ali, the Sultan's minister. With the cheerful- 
ness of an easy conscience, our hero set off to see the 
dignitary, who asked him with an official air if it 
was he who had stored powder in the neighbour- 
hood of the English Consulate. He calmly answered 
' Yes '; which made the minister ask the further 
question whether Tippoo Tib had gone mad. ' No,' 
replied he ; 'I am in full possession of my senses.' 
After this somewhat vague introduction the minister 
proceeded to deliver a long harangue as to its being 
quite illegal to bring powder into the city, and so 
endanger the lives and limbs of the inhabitants. 
Tippoo Tib assured him he had had no idea of it ; 
he had been years in the interior, and as a free man 
of course did not know the recent police regula- 
tions, but it should not happen again. But the 


minister was not content with this bill drawn on 
the future : ignorance of the law did not exempt 
from punishment ; the offence had been committed 
and called for retribiition, the more so that the 
English Consul had heard of the matter, and was 
very indignant about it ; he was to come again 
next morning and hear the sentence that Seyyid 
Majid might pass on him. 

When Tippoo Tib appeared accordingly, he was 
informed that Seyyid Majid had not known that he 
was the transgressor, but that the matter had been 
mooted by the English Consul-General, and now he 
must either be locked up for a month or pay the 
price of the powder bought as a fine. Tippoo Tib 
declared in favour of the latter. He estimated the 
value somewhat vaguely as more than 4,000 dollars, 
but he would rather pay the money than be confined 
even for a few days. Touched by such self-sacrifice, 
the minister advised him to allow himself to be 
locked up quietly for two or three days, and after- 
wards the matter would settle itself. 

So Tippoo Tib went to the prison, a solid fotir- 
square building behind the toll-house, with a dirty 
courtyard in the middle and a tower at each of the 
corners, wrongly described as a Portuguese fort, 
though in reality it was only built at the beginning 
of last century by Seyyid Said. However, it was a 
cheerful prison for Tippoo Tib. He was given a 
decent room, in which he could do as he pleased. 
During the day he received visitors, and at night his 
wives kept him company. 

The conditions have even now not changed 
materially in this respect. A criminal who knows 



how to get on well with his custodians can still 
live pleasantly in Zanzibar Prison, if he does not 
prefer to open the door of his dungeon with a golden 

When Tippoo Tib was set free on the third day, 
he went to the English Consul-General, Sir John 
Kirk, who asked him where he had been hidden so 
long. He rejoined in dudgeon that he had been 
locked up on account of the powder. This was 
quite new to the Consul, who had indeed been angry 
about the business, but had no idea that Tippoo Tib 
was the culprit. Otherwise — so Tippoo Tib hints 
— he would have winked at the incident, for he 
valued him very much, since he had so chivalrously 
espoused the cause of the Consul's friend Living- 
stone, and had brought important letters from him 
to the Consulate. 

Some weeks later Tippoo Tib proceeded to Baga- 
moyo to despatch further loads to the interior. 
Even so goods to the amount of some 300 loads re- 
mained behind, which he requested Muhammed bin 
Masud to make ready for conveyance. He himself 
wanted first to go once more to Dar-es-Salaam, to 
take leave of Seyyid Majid, who had returned there. 
As he also had to take leave of his business friends 
in Zanzibar, he instructed Muhammed to march on 
in the meantime, and expect him in a few days at 
Kwere, a place not far from Bagamoyo. His stay 
in Zanzibar, however, lasted longer than he antici- 
pated, for he had to be present at a marriage there at 
the house of Rashid Adwani : both Oriental polite- 
ness and business considerations prevented his 
declining the invitation. Thus he was detained 


against his will seventeen days longer than he 

The consequence was that he found not a soul at 
Kwere. Muhammed had got tired of waiting, 
though he caught him up a few days later at 
Usagara, and from there they continued their 
journey together. But they had not got far up 
country towards Ugogo when a great disaster 
befell the caravan. Cholera broke out, and every 
day several carriers died. Moreover, the country 
presented many difficulties, for Ugogo was a poor 
district, in which provisions were scarcely to be had, 
especially as the population displayed hostility and 
nowhere offered anything for sale. ' Wherever we 
went,' complains Tippoo Tib, ' we were driven back.' 
They had, it is true, to some extent supplied them- 
selves at Usagara, but the provision taken with them 
was long since exhausted. 

While in this unenviable plight they encountered 
on the highway one day, at the western limit of 
Ugogo, a body of armed warriors, who sought to 
bar their further progress. As disease was pre- 
valent on the coast, the Shensis did not want 
to let the travellers pass through their townships, 
but urged them to march through the forest, and 
rejoin the caravan road again only at Mgunda 
]\IkaK, a steppe devoid of food or water and seven 
days' march in extent. The plan would have meant 
certain destruction, without provisions as they were 
and with the epidemic raging in the caravan. So 
a council of war was called. Tippoo Tib requested 
his brother Muhammed, as the elder, to make the 
decision. But Muhammed bowed to Tippoo Tib's 


greater insiglit, and left to him the decision, which 
was in favour of forcing a passage. When this 
was communicated to the soldiers they begged for 
a short respite, so that they might report to their 
Sultan Kiuje. Soon they came hack, and an- 
nounced that free transit was granted them, but 
they must encamp outside the first town on the 
river, and strike camp again after two days. Pro- 
visions would be brought into their camp. The 
river by which they took ground, however, was no 
river, at least for the time, for all the water was 
dried up ; but by digging vigorously some springs 
were discovered, from which a scanty supply of 
water was obtained. Meanwhile the disease con- 
tinued its ravages. 

When the caravan, after the two days' rest, 
reached the western frontier of Ugogo by a longish 
march, it was already so thinned that there were 
not enough carriers left. A great number of loads 
were therefore buried — of course, only such goods as 
a lengthy stay in the ground would not hurt : beads, 
lead for the guns, chains, and so on. They then 
made their way through the desolate wilderness, 
by the Mgunda Mkali to Tura, where A^arious Arab 
caravans were encountered which had started at the 
same time from Bagamoyo, but had taken another 

These also had had dismal experiences. They 
had dwindled by a third through disease, and had 
in consequence of the loss of carriers also lost much 
merchandise. An acquaintance from Tabora also 
turned up here — the Arab Nasor bin Masud — who 
had travelled to meet the much-damaged caravan 


of a business friend, in order to save as much of it 
as possible, as it had lost its leader through the 

At Rubuga, a further stage, Tippoo Tib found 
his old father, who had marched to meet him, and 
awaited him here with the caravan that had gone 
on before. It was the first meeting between father 
and son after long years. Since the war with 
Mnywa Sere, at the close of which Tippoo Tib had 
journeyed to Urua, they had not seen each other. 
' At that time I was still a poor and xmknown man, 
but many years have gone by since then,' says 
Tippoo Tib in his biography, in proud recollection. 
Together they entered Tabora, where our hero 
naturally found many alterations. 

A short time before his stepmother Karunde 
had died, which caused the sorrowing widower, 
Muhammed bin Juma, at once to look about him 
for a new life-companion. There were enough 
aspirants forthcoming for the hand of the powerful 
chieftain, but he took into consideration only a 
daughter of Mkasiva, and Nyaso, a younger daughter 
of Fundi Kira. Mkasiva, who was very anxious to 
bind old Mxihammed to him by the closest bands of 
relationship, left nothing untried to capture him as 
a son-in-law. But at last Nyaso gained the victory ; 
and, writes Tippoo Tib, just as had been the case 
with Karunde, so now again aU. the property, dead 
or alive, in Tabora was Muhammed's. But he had 
thus made an enemy of the ruler of the country — 
Mkasiva — as was soon to be seen. 

An elephant was killed by Muhammed's men 
in the immediate neighbourhood of the town, whose 


tusks attained the splendid weight of 5| frasilas. 
Mkasiva, supported by the Vali Said bin Salum el 
Lemii, maintained that the ivory was his, as the 
elephant had been killed in his jurisdiction, and 
demanded its surrender. Muhammed and his wife 
Nyaso refused flatly, and now, after lengthy dis- 
cussions, they were preparing to decide the point 
at issue by a regular war, when a more serious 
event suddenly reconciled the contending parties. 

The Wangoni, a dreaded Wahehe tribe, threatened 
to invade the country. They had been called in by 
Mshama, a nephew of Mkasiva, who had himself 
aimed at the throne, and being, therefore, perse- 
cuted by his uncle, had fled to Uhehe, whence he 
was now returning, breathing vengeance. The 
enemy's hordes had already appeared in Njombo, a 
district some three hours south of Tabora. A 
force, hastily mustered from the people at Kwihara, 
was sent against them without delay, under the 
leadership of the Arab Abdallah bin Nasib, and 
the more distant Arabs, amongst them Tippoo Tib, 
received a summons to assemble at once at Kwihara. 
From here they marched together after the advance 
guard, Avhich they found in Njombo almost totally 
destroyed. They had been beaten by the Wangoni, 
and of the Swahilis alone had lost fifty, besides 
more than 100 Uganda men, who had happened to 
be at Kwihara and took part in the expedition. 
They had been sent by Sultan Mtesa to bring 
presents to Seyyid Majid, in return for the ample 
presents he had himself sent from Zanzibar. 

After their victory over the Arab troops, the 
Wangoni, who probably cared less about the pre- 


tensions of Msliama to the throne than about 
making a profitable raid, had retired with large 
herds of cattle. Tippoo Tib's proposal to follow 
on their heels found no response amid the general 
depression. All retreated hastily to Tabora. Here 
Tippoo Tib once more unfolded his plans, and at 
length, on the second day, carried his point — in 
favour of inunediate pursuit. The avenging force 
actually got as far as Msanga, in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Njombo, when the heroes again 
changed their minds and wheeled about towards 
their homes and Penates. Only Tippoo Tib and 
another Arab named Said bin Habib continued the 
march. They advanced by Msuto, the western 
frontier place of Unyanyembe, as far as the river 
Njombo, which prevented any further pursuit. 
They saw that the Wangoni had already too long 
a start, and did not wish to expose themselves to 
the danger of encoimtering the enemy in a strange 
country, which, moreover, was divided from their 
home by a body of water that was difficult to pass. 
So they, too, returned to Tabora without having 
accomplished anything. 

Tippoo Tib wished not to stay there any longer, 
but to go at once to Itahua, only the remaining 
Arabs would not let him. He must first wait and 
see that the Wangoni did not return to the attack. 
Now that they had gained an easy victory they 
would no doubt take a fancy to the business, and 
soon appear on a fresh raid. ' The folks were simply 
at that time not yet accustomed to war.' 

Unwillingly Tippoo Tib gave way. When two 
months of waiting had passed quietly away, he sent 


forward the greater part of his caravan to Itahua, 
and after another month a further instahnent — -all 
but a small portion, which remained behind under 
his own orders. Meanwhile, he had sent to Ugogo 
to have the buried goods fetched. They were for- 
tunately found almost complete, except that a small 
portion of the beads had been lost in the sand. 
When they arrived, Tippoo Tib got under way, in 
spite of the persuasions of his fellow-tribesmen, who 
would have liked to keep him with them for their 
own safety, and made his first halt in Ugalla, a 
district lying to the south-west. 



' El ein bil ein wa '1 anf bil anf wa '1 udhn bil udhn wa 's 
sin bis sin.' 

An eye for an eye, a nose for a nose, an ear for an ear, a 
tooth for a tooth. 

KoEAN : Suret el Maide, v. 45. 

Ugalla was nominally ruled by a certain Taka as 
Sultan, in reality, however, by his younger brother 
Rijowe, who, according to Tippoo Tib's descriptions, 
was a great tyrant and created all possible diffi- 
culties for travellers. He lived in a large town 
which was strongly fortified with ramparts and 
ditches. He allowed the caravan to pitch its camp 
outside the fortress at a distance of a quarter of an 
hour. Tippoo Tib wanted to buy in his country 
sufficient provisions for eight days, which he required 
for his march to Ukonongo, but he did not obtain 
permission to do so until he had paid five oxen and 
a hundred garments. Thereupon he was allowed to 
make his purchases and handed over to his men 
their provisions in the shape of mtama (native corn), 
which they at once began to pound, partly in the 
camp, partly in the town itself. Unfortunately this 
corn was destined to be an apple of discord. 



On the morning of the second day Tippoo Tib 
was summoned to an audience with the Sultan. 
With a following of sixteen men, who as a precau- 
tion had with them guns loaded with ball, he betook 
himself to the town. On the way he met one of his 
Swahilis, who told him furiously that a savage had 
spilled all his corn and belaboured him with his 
fists ; he was going now to fetch his gun and meant 
to avenge himself on the ruffian. Tippoo Tib tried 
to induce him by persuasion to refrain from such 
disorderly methods, which would place them all in 
a most awkward position ; it was a matter of im- 
portance to him to preserve peace, and he would 
gladly replace the spilled corn. Apparently satis- 
fied, the young man withdrew, while Tippoo Tib 
proceeded with his attendants to the Sultan's house. 
The latter greeted the strangers and conducted them 
to the dwelling of his principal wife, where they 
were to wait outside a few minutes. Meantime the 
injured Swahili came by, jtist as he had at first said, 
armed with his musket. Tippoo Tib called him to 
him and dealt him several fatherly boxes on the ear — 
six or seven, so far as he remembers. But the chas- 
tisement came too late. The Shensis had already 
seen him and realized from the situation that he 
meant to be revenged on them. They raised a 
furious shout and charged in on Tippoo Tib and his 
men. In the rain of spears and arrows a slave of 
Tippoo Tib's fell. 

Tippoo Tib turned to the Sultan and called on 
him to control his subjects. But whether he felt 
himself powerless in face of the excited mob or 
was himseli a party to the breach of the peace, he 


simply took to flight, but did not get far, being 
immediately brought down by a shot from the 
Arabs, who were now on their part using their 
weapons. At sight of their falling chieftain the 
savages took to flight. 

But the Arabs, who remained on the spot, did 
not feel comfortable. The town was everywhere 
strongly fortified, and the concealed enemy might be 
lying in wait anywhere. They made in a body for 
the nearest gate — of which there were six — and re- 
turned to their camp outside the town. They found 
it quite deserted. Even the two sentries had disap- 
peared. But as they stood between fear and hope 
at the main gate, which lay opposite their camp, a 
troop of people came suddenly towards them from 
within, headed by the red flag.-'' They had searched 
the town through and scarcely found a living soul. 
They brought with them only six women as prisoners 
of war. 

Then Tippoo Tib went back into the town to 
recojxaoitre. It was quite deserted by the men, but 
sixty more women were found and welcomed as good 
booty. Also what merchandise and ivory they 
found — it was not much — was thankfully accepted. 
After Tippoo Tib had become master of the field of 
battle he determined to camp inside the town, in 
order to secure himself against a more than probable 
attempt at revenge. He therefore summoned his 
people living outside in the villages by sound of 
drum, and in doing so again had the pleasant sur- 
prise of finding that a great portion of his brave 

■*= In Africa every large caravan still bears the flag of ita 
nationality. That of Zanzibar is blood red. 


fellows had vanistied. No less than sixty Wanyam- 
wezi were not forthcoming. If they had been killed 
their bodies would have been found ; so it was 
quite clear that they had shown the white feather 
at the beginning of the fight. It was not far to their 
home at Tabora (five days' easy march without 

Under these circumstances it was not possible at 
once to continue the journey. Yet even if they 
determined to remain it was not easy to know what 
to do. Should they start in pursuit of the Shensis 
or remain idly sitting till they returned with rein- 
forcements to attack them ? Against the former 
the prudent Said bin Ali gave his voice ; if the 
fighting men went out in pursuit the loads would 
still have to be left behind. Then how easily, when 
the Arabs had marched out, could the Shensis 
double back on the town another way and cut down 
the camp followers there ! 

So they stayed, and had not to wait long before 
the natives came back. On the eighth day, shortly 
before sunrise, when the Arabs were just at their 
first prayer, they heard the clamour of the advancing 
hordes. These were driven back with a few well- 
aimed volleys, and pursued for two hours. On the 
side of the Shensis some seventy men had fallen ; 
the Arabs had only four killed and six wounded. 

After eight days more they again heard the noise 
of an advancing host. The fear that it was a 
renewal of the attack was, however, not well- 
grounded. They were men from Tabora, who had 
been sent by the Vali, at Seyyid Majid's instance, to 
Uganda. They brought with them letters from the 


Vali and old Muhammed containing favourable 
news. They liad heard through the fugitive Wan- 
yamvp-ezi, vsrho had in fact fled hack to Tahora, of 
the conflicts at Ugalla. Later on Sultan Rijowe had 
sought refuge with them, in order to obtain peace 
with Tippoo Tib by their intercession. Now the 
Vali and Muhanuned wanted to come themselves to 
set matters in the right channel. Four days later 
they came, and were received outside the town by 
Tippoo Tib. But they would not make their entry 
until he had declared his readiness for the con- 
clusion of peace. Tippoo Tib agreed and accepted 
beforehand the conditions they might regard as 
right. After their entry they came to an agreement 
that Tippoo Tib should give back the women he 
had taken, while the Shensis were only to pay com- 
pensation for those who had fallen on the side of 
the Arabs. 

So peace was concluded. As the fugitive Wan- 
yamwezi had come back with the Arabs from 
Tabora, there was nothing more to hinder the 
march. They moved by Ukonongo to Fipa, Sultan 
Karagwe's country. Here they rejoined their 
friends, who had gone on in advance, with Muhammed 
bin Masud at their head. These had found the 
country, which enjoyed great fertihty, so pleasant 
that they had determined to await the rearguard 
there. They had only sent on one of their number, 
Juma bin Sef bin Juma, to Itahua. Tippoo Tib re- 
mained in Fipa six days, to provision his caravan in 
this fertile region for the impending march through 
more barren tracts ; then they set ofE together — a 
column 4,000 strong. The way led along the shores 


of Lake Tanganyika, and presented many difficul- 
ties. The country there is very mountainous, and 
so they went up hill and down dale till at last they 
reached Urungu — an impoverished district, which 
they soon left again, as provisions were not to be 

At last they reached the district of Itahua, and 
came to a town where Mkura, a son of Nsama, 
ruled. Here there was again great plenty, espe- 
cially an astonishing crop of manioc, with which 
the famished carriers greedily repaid themselves for 
the privations of the past weeks. Some days later 
the whole band sickened with violent dysentery, 
to which forty men fell victims. Fortunately the 
Arab Juma bin Sef, who was trading in Itahua, 
appeared soon after with a remedy for the disease. 
He had a pungent curry sauce, stirred up with 
pepper and muscat, which he gave the men to eat 
with lean goat's flesh. This was given the patients 
for several days, and the homely remedy really had 
its effect. The dysentery gradually ceased, though 
the men were much exhausted for a long time after. 
The disease was not, however, as Juma taught 
them, caused solely by their voracity, but the manioc 
was of a different kind from what they had hitherto 
been accustomed. It was extraordinarily bitter, 
and only innocuous when it had been steeped 
for a considerable time in water, then allowed to 
dry for several days, and finally cooked. This 
Tippoo Tib's men, of course, did not know, and 
even if they had knoT\Ti it they would probably not 
have observed the precaution, for in the eight days 
which they would have needed to make the manioc 


fit for use they would very likely have starved. 
They had not even taken the trouble to cook it, 
but consumed it raw, just as it came out of the 

When the caravan had recovered, they proceeded 
further to seek out their old acquaintance Nsama. 
To all the Arabs he gave a friendly reception, only he 
refused to see Tippoo Tib. He sent, however, forty 
elephant's tusks, of a weight of 65 frasilas, as a 
present to his guest, but added that that was all 
the ivory he had. The assurance sounded scarcely 
credible, for shortly before he had sold to Juma bin 
Sef 300 frasilas, besides which the country swarmed 
with elephants. Tippoo Tib's men employed them- 
selves busily in hunting. In particular, there were 
three of his slaves who distinguished themselves in 
woodcraft. He had bought them long before, almost 
against his will, from a bankrupt named Shihiri, 
who wanted money and offered him four men, the 
lot for 100 dollars (about 300 marks). One of them 
had escaped in Ugogo ; the remainder now brought 
in their purchase-money, with interest. It was no 
rare occurrence for them to secure twenty tusks 
in one morning. There were also buffaloes in 
abundance, which were hunted for the sake of their 

As Tippoo Tib could not hope for much from 
a further stay near his old enemy, he left his 
hunters behind and went on to Ruemba, where 
Sultans Mwamba, Kitimkaro, and Shanza ruled. 
For but a small amount of goods he obtained a 
great deal of ivory, wherefore he bears witness 
that they were good people. He returned once 



more with his treasures to Itahua, where he now 
concocted a fresh plan. Muhammed bin Masud 
was to remain with the bulk of the merchandise in 
the country, while Tippoo Tib purposed, taking all 
the beads that the two had with them, to proceed 
westwards to Urua, where beads were fetching high 

Their way led them through the once powerful 
and still very important Kasembe kingdom of 
Lunda, which at the end of the eighteenth century 
had been visited by Portuguese discoverers, and 
in 1866 and 1867 was systematically explored by 
Livingstone. It is a fertile plateau to the west of 
Lake Mueru, bounded on the north by Itahua and 
Kabwire, on the south and east by Lombemba and 
Kisinga. The country was governed by elected 
rulers called Kasembe, a word that, according to 
Livingstone, signifies 'general.' The Kasembes 
seem to have changed very often, as they were 
deposed as soon as they became unpopular. The 
ruler whom Livingstone found there in 1867 was 
called Maonga, and was the seventh Kasembe ; but 
his predecessor, Lekwisa, was still alive, and in 
exile with Nsama. Livingstone visited Maonga on 
November 28, 1867, in his capital at the north end 
of Mofwe — a lake abounding in fish, formed by the 
Luapula above the larger and better known Mueru. 
Each Kasembe used to found a separate town as his 
place of residence. The capital of the then reigning 
Kasembe covered an area of an English square mile, 
on which some hundreds of huts lay scattered 
among cassava plantations. The court of the ruler 
— many would have called it a palace — formed a 


qiiadrangle 300 ells in length and 200 in breadtli, 
and was surrounded by a liigh bamboo hedge. 
Men's skulls were displayed here and there as a 
decoration. A great portion of the people had 
cropped ears and lopped-off arms — mutilations which 
were not inflicted on the subjects for aesthetic 
reasons, as in the case of fox-terriers with us, btit 
only to furnish them with a hfe-long reminder that 
their ruler had once been obliged to give expression 
to his disapproval of their conduct. 

The first impression was not by any means re- 
assuring to the visitor, but he was soon compensated 
for the feeling of horror which came over him on 
entering by the amusing spectacle which presented 
itself as he went further. Before his hut, on a 
couch of lion and leopard skins, sat a figure with a 
squinting face, wrapped in a coarse garment of 
white and blue striped material, with a red border 
bunched out voluminously, so that he looked as if he 
had put on a crinoline the wrong way about. The 
arms, feet, and head were clad in sleeves, trousers, 
and cap, with a beautiful pattern of coloured beads, 
while this strange fashion-block was crowned with 
an aigrette of yellow feathers. The grandees of 
the kingdom, shaded by huge patched umbrellas, 
approached their master respectfully, bowing cere- 
moniously before him, and then took their places 
on his right. Livingstone was presented by a 
minister with cropped ears to the Kasembe, who, 
after being briefly informed as well as might be of 
the pTirpose and aim of the explorer's journey, was 
pleased to accept his presents. As they partly 
consisted of grotesque garments, he was highly 



delighted, whicli did not hinder him from requiting 
them with nothing but a lean goat and a few fish. 
At a subsequent audience he was openly mocked 
for his meanness by the Arab Muhammed bin Saleh, 
who had lived ten years in the country. 

Livingstone has no high opinion of the power of 
the Kasembe of his day. He thinks if he had to 
summon the array for war, he would scarcely be 
able to get together 1,000 vagabonds, whereas the 
first Portuguese visitor, Pereira, records that the 
Kasembe he found there had a standing army of 
20,000 trained warriors. Livingstone has the im- 
pression that he could have established friendly 
relations with Maonga, whom he lectured on the 
iniquity of the slave trade, only the sight of his 
squinting eyes and the many mutilated people always 
deterred him. 

When Tippoo Tib came into the countiy some 
years had passed since then, and another Kasembe 
was already on the throne. The entry into Lunda 
did not take the form of a welcome to him. Amid 
heavy rainstorms, which allowed the great caravan 
to progress but slowly, they reached the frontier of 
Itahua. On the way they had received the con- 
soling intelligence that Nsama, after Tippoo Tib's 
departure, had exhibited great stores of ivory, which 
he had been unwilling to show his conqueror, but 
which the Arabs now could purchase at their ease. 
The boundary between Itahua and Lunda was 
formed by a river, which, owing to the rainy season, 
was greatly swollen. The caravan had to march a 
great distance upstream before it could ford it. 
As the leading files reached the land they were 


attacked by tlie Walimda, who struck down four 
men and took a quantity of mercliandise and 
muskets. As the Kasembe was at enmity with 
Nsama and had no reason for treating Tippoo Tib, 
who was well enough known as an opponent of 
Nsama's, in an unfriendly way, this reception was 
most startling, and our traveller resolved, before 
retaliating, to inquire into the causes of this im- 
expected hostility. He was haughtily answered 
that the Walunda had attacked the Arabs' followers 
quite deliberately, for they had boasted that they 
had defeated Nsama, and now they, Kasembe's men, 
would show them they were something different, 
and had determined to strike down every intruder 
into their country. This impudent reply demanded 
immediate retribution. Even Said bin Ali el 
Hinawi was of this opinion — a mutawa,^ a pious and 
forgiving man who had once stood in high honour 
in Zanzibar, but later, as an adherent of Burghash, 
fell into disfavour with Seyyid Majid, and when the 
latter so far himiihated him as to give him a box on 
the ears, retired in dudgeon and Avent on his travels. 
In spite of all, he had retained his pious disposition, 
and was always ready to give good advice when it 
was possible ; but now even he adArised fighting. 
More troops were sent for in haste from Itahua ; the 
river forming the frontier was crossed, and in a few 

* Literally, ' a very obedient.' The people are so called 
■who devote themselves to a specially religious way of life. 
They wear as a badge the white turban, which many certainly 
assume without being entitled to do so ; e.g:, the well-known 
Wali Sleman bin Nasor always wears it, though, in view of 
his unprejudiced attitude towards the prohibition of wine- 
drinking, he has no claim to the distinction. 


months all Lunda was subjugated. The Kasembe 
— Tippoo Tib did not remember his name — was 
driven from the country, and a new chief named 
Mabote set up in his place. This man had been 
Kasembe once before, but had been deposed by his 
people because he refused to submit to circumcision, 
which was not otherwise customary in the country, 
but was expected of its rulers. 



' Duobus certantibus gaudet tertius.' 

After thus subduing the mighty kingdom of 
Lunda, they proceeded next in a northerly direc- 
tion along Lake Mueru, until they reached the 
capital of Sultan Mpueto. Here the Congo issues 
from the lake under the name of Luapula. The 
river there is of course narrow, and was easily 
crossed in boats. On the left bank lay Urua, the 
objective of the travellers. At first not much was 
to be discovered of the much-boasted power of the 
country. The natives were weak in bodily structure, 
frequently disfigured by goitres, and immoderately 
addicted to the enjoyment of tobacco and hemp, a 
passion which procured them from their western 
neighbours, to whom smoking seemed contemptible, 
the nickname Wahemba : watumwa vuaka — i.e., 
slaves of tobacco. As their country adjoined 
those of the marauding Nsama and Kasembe, they 
were, of course, exposed to constant unexpected 
attacks, aAd were thus rendered specially timid and 
suspicious. Moreover, the natural conformation of 
their territory tended to impose the defensive on 
them. The country was rich in caves, which ran far 



into the mountains and offered ample shelter to 
several hundred men. As they were stalactite 
formations, there was no want of water inside them. 
Provisions could be taken into them to any amount 
desired, and, when the times were warlike, were 
stored up there beforehand. Tippoo Tib recounts 
his visit to such a cave, which had two entrances 
and at the largest point was some 12 feet wide. 
He went in with candles, but contented himself 
with examining the cavern. His uncle, Bushir bin 
Habib, had more pluck, and came out at the other 
end of the mountain, after a long progress through 
dark passages. 

In case of war these caves, of course, afforded an 
excellent refuge. On the enemy's approach all the 
townships were deserted, and the inhabitants 
vanished from the soil. Later on Msire, Sultan of 
Katanga, which lay to the south-west, fathomed the 
secret, and, as later conquerors have dealt with 
similar troglodytes, smoked them out like a fox from 
his earth. He placed burning wood before one 
opening and let the smoke penetrate, until the cave- 
dwellers came out on the other side and submitted. 

On pursuing his march, Tippoo Tib came upon 
a Sultan named Kajumbe. His subjects were 
stronger men than the Warua of the frontier, and 
he himself, who, on account of his imperiousness, 
bore the surname Kha Ukuma, the Swashbuckler, 
wielded considerable power, which he made the 
newcomers feel. For all the ivory which they pur- 
chased they had to pay a high duty, which was here 
called hiremba. At the same time, the yield of ivory 
of the country was slight and the natives hard to 


deal with. A bargain over a single tusk often lasted 
for several days. 

Thus the news came most opportimely that in 
rather more distant regions far more favourahle condi- 
tions of trade prevailed. Two Sultans, named Mrongo 
Tambwe and Mrongo Kassanga, sent messengers to 
Tippoo Tib, who brought him several tusks as a 
present and said that in their country there was 
plenty of ivory ; if that was what Tippoo Tib 
wanted he had only to come to them. But they 
dared not bring it for exchange into Kajumbe's 
territory, for, warned by previous experiences, they 
feared that most of it would be stolen from them. 

Even Msire, the great Sultan of Katanga, sent an 
embassy of homage with twelve elephant's tusks. 
He had heard that Tippoo Tib had passed triumph- 
antly through Nsama's and Kasembe's country, and 
was now afraid lest the mighty conqueror should 
make war against him too. Our traveller, who to 
be sure had as yet entertained no such thought, at 
once took advantage of this favourable frame of 
mind and sent an answer that such was certainly 
his intention. ' It is true, I have heard that he is a 
very bad man and attacks people without cause. If 
necessary, I will come and chastise him — unless he 
sends twenty more tusks beside these.' 

Much alarmed by these haughty words, Msire's 
people departed, taking with them, if possible, a 
still higher opinion of the intruder than they had 

To get away, to be sure, was not such a simple 
matter. Kasembe, in fact, cherished the opinion 
that travellers who came into his country were bound 


to dispose of all their goods there. How long they 
took about it did not matter to him if they only paid 
plenty of duty. Tippoo Tib, however, did not feel 
disposed, with his rich supplies of beads, to wait 
there whole decades for ivory that might or might 
not come, and as peaceful negotiations were of no 
avail, he made his exit by force. After an hour's 
fighting the Warua took to flight, and the next 
morning Kajumbe sued for peace, which was granted 
him in return for nine elephant's tusks. 

Three days later they came upon a Sultan named 
Mseka, in whose village a two days' halt was made. 
During this sojourn envoys came once more from 
Mrongo Tambwe, who sent presents of ivory and 
again invited the travellers to visit his country. 
Tippoo Tib replied it did not matter to him where 
he went if there was only ivory, and followed his 

After two days' march the guides halted at some 
cross-roads and announced that from there there 
were two ways : the one led through uninhabited, 
waterless jungle, but had the advantage of seciirity ; 
if they took the more convenient path through in- 
habited places, they would have to be constantly 
fighting. The position was as follows : the country 
for which they were making stretched along Lake 
Eassale, a broad, swamp-like continuation of the 
Lualaba. This lake was the very life of the country. 
It was abundantly rich in fish, and yielded its 
inhabitants, without difiiculty, ample sustenance. 
There were also endless swarm.s of wild ducks, 
which it was not difficult to bring down. Nay, this 
beneficent lake was made subservient even to 


elephant-hunting. The forests were beaten and 
the mighty pachyderms driven towards the water. 
There they lost themselves in the muddy, reed- 
grown banks, and the natives, hastening to the spot 
in boats, kiUed them with spears without diflEculty. 

No wonder, then, that rich settlements with a 
brisk traffic sprang up round this lake. People 
came from far and wide to barter for its products. 
In exchange for the fish, which, when dried, were 
exported long distances, they brought the produce 
of their own districts. The chief articles of barter 
were the so-called viramba, stuffs woven out of the 
bark of trees, such as are still often seen in East 
Africa, imported from Madagascar. These stuffs 
were then worn throughout Manyemaland, and had 
such a universally acknowledged value that they 
were regarded as a substitute for money. Another 
important article was a kind of tree-oil. 

In this favoured country, once peacefully united 
under one sceptre, two near relatives had for many 
years been striving for the mastery, Mrougo Tambwe 
and Mrongo Kassanga. First one was victorious, 
then the other. The victor always took up his resi- 
dence on the lake, while the conquered fled into the 
jungle until he was once more strong enough to 
attack and overcome his rival. The part of the 
conquered was being played just at that time by 
Tambwe, which was why he had been in such a 
hurry to secure the friendship of the newcomer. 

To Tippoo Tib it was of course a most welcome 
state of things that he could intervene in the in- 
ternal affairs of the country with a certain show of 
right, and it was especially to his advantage that, 


since the two rivals were about equally strong, 
lie must, by interposing witb bis seasoned troops, 
splendidly armed as compared with the savages, 
infallibly decide the matter. He therefore had not 
the shghtest intention of acting on the proposal of 
the Warua guides, and stealing by the forest route 
to Tambwe. But as the Warua did not dare to 
follow him on the way through the towns, he took 
only two of them with him as guides, but dressed 
them up, for the sake of their peace of mind, in 
Swahili clothes, so that they might not be recognised 
by their enemies. 

They at once entered fertile, richly populated 
districts, in which one township succeeded another. 
They pitched their camp in a town five hours' 
march from the lake. Mrongo Kassanga, who was 
himseK sojourning on the lake, sent envoys to them, 
asking them to pay him a visit the next day. The 
answer was they Avere on the way to Mrongo 
Tambwe, and had nothing to do with him. ' Yes,' 
answered Kassanga's men, ' he was somewhere in 
the wilderness, and had been driven out by them. 
If they insisted on going to their enemy, they would 
be attacked and overcome.' Nor were hostilities 
long in ensuing. In the afternoon some members 
of the caravan were attacked while fetching water, 
and their utensils stolen. Tippoo Tib, who was 
eager to attack at once, allowed himself to be per- 
suaded by the milder Said bin Ali to keep the peace 
for the time. He determined to demand an explana- 
tion from Mrongo Kassanga next morning. 

In the night, however, it was clear that the 
natives were planning war. All round drums 


sounded, which, as the Warua they had with them 
recognised from the sound, were summoning the 
people to battle. When the caravan was getting 
under way next morning it was attacked. The 
onslaught, however, was successfully repulsed. 
Some townships were set on fire, and several hun- 
dred prisoners taken. 

Next morning, quite early, the drums again 
sounded. The Arabs were afraid that this meant 
a fresh attack, but their guides assured them that 
these were the drums of Mrongo Tambwe's followers. 
Presently 500 men arrived, and brought the news 
that their master was just making his entry into 
the townships on the lake, and begged his Arab 
friends to meet him in the capital. When, after a 
fair fight, it was again Tambwe's turn, the natives 
were soon on the scene again, and commerce 
flourished as in the days of his exiled rival. The 
new Sultan showed himself very friendly towards 
his foreign allies. In particular he sent them daily 
boatloads of fish. 

However pleasant life on the lake might be, it did 
not offer what the travellers sought first and fore- 
most. There was much less ivory here than even 
in Kajumbe's territory. Then Tippoo Tib heard 
that there was probably a great deal in a country 
called Irande. The news was indeed not fuUy 
vouched for, for other informants reported, on the 
contrary, that there was no trade there in ivory — 
only in stuffs made of tree-bark. Tippoo Tib said 
to himself, however, that a country into which no 
freeborn man had penetrated since the Creation 
must certainly harbour ivory, and set off. 


Shortly before their departure emissaries again 
came from Msire to entice the travellers into his 
country. To the inquiry what objects of barter 
were most attractive there, they replied that Euro- 
pean stuffs were in request. As Tippoo Tib had 
only beads with him, Said bin Ali was told off for 
the journey to Katanga. He had at the time been 
unable to mate up his mind, like the other Arabs, 
to leave his stuffs behind in Nsama's country, and 
now hoped to make his fortune out of the loads that 
had been so long dragged with him for nothing. 
As soon as his trading was concluded, he was to 
return to the Arabs who had remained at Itahua. 

So Said proceeded southwards, protected by 
thirty muskets. Tippoo Tib advanced further into 
the unknown west. Guided by some men of Mrongo 
Tambwe's, he crossed the Lualaba, but soon turned 
back when he heard that an acquaintance of his — 
Juma bin Salum — was staying in the neighbour- 
hood near the capital of a chief named Kirua. This 
Arab, generally known by the sobriquet of Jmna 
Mericano,'-'" and so styled in many books of travel 
by European explorers, was one of the oldest 
traders in the interior of Africa. As early as 1858 
Burton and Speke, the daring discoverers of Lake 
Tanganyika, had come across him at Ujiji. He had 
since then carried on trade iminterruptedly in 
Itahua, Lunda, and Katanga, and since the early 
seventies had kept a standing camp near Kirua on 
Lake Usenge. The traveller Cameron found him 

* Mericano was originally a cotton material imported only 
from America. Juma was so called because he dealt principally 
in it. 


in October, 1874 — somewliat later tlian the occiir- 
rences here described — at his fortified settlement, 
Kilemba, in Kassanga's country, and describes him 
as a 'handsome, dignified man,' and the most 
amiable and hospitable of the Arab traders in 
Africa with whom he came in close contact. 

Tippoo Tib endeavoured to get his friend to 
accompany him on his journey to Irande, but met 
with no response. Juma Mericano took the groim.d 
that a certain profit on a small scale was preferable 
to the uncertain expectation of great wealth, and 
crowned his objections by declaring that he could 
not enter a country in which no Arab had yet set 
foot. Tippoo Tib called him a coward and started 
off alone. The ivory he had so far acquired — 
300 frasilas — he left behind. 

On entering Irande there was at first not much 
sign of ivory, but, on the other hand, the country 
offered all the more interest in other respects. As 
to the impressions he received there and the occur- 
rences that ensued, we will let him give his own 
account ia the next chapter. 



' May one deceive the people ? 
I 8ay not so. 

Yet if you must delude them, 
Be it not too subtly done.' 

Goethe : Epigrams, 

' The towns of the country were astonishingly large 
and their number boundless. Their business is 
to weave viramba. They build their towns in such 
a way that there is a row of houses here and another 
row there, like the rows of clove-trees. In the 
middle there remains a vacant space, which is 
some 40 eUs wide, or perhaps more, and the 
number of the houses is fifty here and fifty there. 
In the middle they build a remarkably big house 
with a harasa, in which all the craftsmen assemble 
to weave viramba. One may walk in a town for 
six, seven, or eight hours. All their towns are 
built in the same way : a row of houses here, and 
another row there, and in the middle the work 
barasa. So we marched about the land of Irande, 
and however long we waited and inquired for trade 
in ivory, there was nothing but viramba. And in 
this country they knew nothing of freeborn men, nor 



at that time did they know of guns. The Warua went 
into this country and brought fish there to purchase 
viramba, and if they saw ivory they at once obtained 
it at a low price ; only there was no ivory. And 
the Warua had no guns ; they had only bows and 
arrows as Aveapons ; guns they did not know. They 
asked if the guns we had were mituwangu, which 
means " rammers." We said " Yes," and they 
thought they were rammers. So we journeyed until 
we came to Sultan Rumba. There was no ivory ; 
their trade was just this viramba. And every town 
was enormously big ; every town was a whole 
country. So we passed through ever so many 
districts till we came to Sultan Sangwa, at Mka- 
suma ; only there he is called Mfisonge. 

' There are no native Sultans in these countries, 
but people come there from far away, who give 
goods and make payments to those who own the 
lands ; and these set up such an one as Sultan for a 
period of two years. As soon as one has established 
himself, another comes from far off in the same way, 
builds himself a house in the forest, and pays goods, 
stuffs, slaves, goats, beads, and vegetable oil until 
he who reigned before him has finished his two 
years and retires. Then the other steps in — such 
is the custom there — and receives the produce of 
two years. And likewise in those regions, when 
anyone dies who is in debt and cannot pay, they do 
not bury him ; or if he is buried, those who have 
buried him must pay. He is taken into the forest, 
and they hang him upon the fork of a tree. Below 
they place his hoe or his axe or a basket at the 
place where the dead man is hung up. If anyone 



comes who has a claim on him, he is told : "If you 
will have what is yours from yonder debtor, take his 
axe or his hoe." Such is the nature of their laws 
and customs. 

' And as we marched they committed many 
acts of violence against us and robbed us ; but 
we put up with it, for they acted as if we had no 
weapons, as if we carried rammers. So we marched 
until one day we found a Shensi who could speak 
Kirua tolerably. He asked us : " What is really 
your desire ?" We answered him : " We are look- 
ing for ivory." Then he said : " If you want ivory, 
cross the Lomami, and go to Koto ; there is much 
ivory there. Or go to Utetera, to Sultan Kassongo 
Rushie, the son of Mapunga. That is not at all far 
from here. There is plenty of ivory there. This 
Kassongo Rushie is very old, and had two sisters, 
named Ena Daramimiba and Kitoto. And a long 
time ago, as we have heard from our parents, there 
was a great Sidtan in Urua named Kumambe. His 
second name was Rungu Kabare. He was very 
powerful, and ruled all Urua as far as Mtoa, and 
he made war upon all the Manyema lands and the 
lands on the far side of the Lomami. He came also 
to Utetera, and carried off the two sisters, Kina 
Daramumba and Kitoto. They are of the race of 
the Wana wa Mapunga. There there is very much 
ivory. And two roads lead thither. One passes 
through Nsara, and the Sultan is called after the 
country, Mwinyi Nsara. By this road you will come 
across Kasongo Rushie, who is on good terms with 
the people of Nsara. On the second road you will 
come to Mkahuja. The people there are among 


the opponents of Kassongo Riishie — the people 
from Nsara and Ngno and Kibiunbe and Isiwa, and 
Mkatwa and Msangwe — in short, more than twenty 
countries with great Sultans, not counting a number 
of small Sultans — aU these have banded themselves 
together to fight against Utetera. And the in- 
habitants of Utetera are very numerous, but rather 
stvipid. When they are attacked they become 
terrified. Every time they were attacked they 
were beaten, and that has made them still more 
cowardly." I wrote down all the stories which that 
Shensi told me. 

' We went on and marched until we came to a 
place where we saw that our people had halted ; 
the road branched off there. And they asked us : 
" Where do you want to go ?" We said to them : 
" We are going to Kassongo Rushie at Utetera." 
They replied: "That is this way— take it!" We 
marched further and bivouacked in villages. In the 
morning we started off again. When it was twelve 
o'clock we came to towns of another kind. The in- 
habited places succeeded one another ; they were 
not built like those we had come from. They were 
built as in Urua — large towns and many in number. 
One could see how one town joined another, for the 
country is very open. We remained twelve days, 
and it rained during that time. They brought us 
very much ivory, and it was cheap. For two 
vivangwa and a red coral and a garment you 
got 2 or 3 frasilas of ivory. The tusks had no 
value. You gave as much as you wanted to give 
and then said: "Off with you quickly!" When 
twelve days were past ivory became scarce. Then 



came a Shensi who could speak Kirua very well. 
He was a great rogue, and was called Pange Bondo. 
He brought about four tusks and begged for my 
friendship. I said : " Well, you are my friend." 
Then he said to me : " I have been Sultan in this 
country, and we have the following rule : Out of 
those who are born in the sovereignty one line always 
comes to power. When one line retires the other 
takes its place — and so on, each line in its turn. 
Each remains in power for two or three years, and 
then withdraws without contention. Then another 
succeeds." Pange Bondo, however, refused to 
retire when his time was out, and they made war, 
and the Sultan whose turn it was next was beaten. 
They deposed him and chose another Sultan. And 
they said to him : " You will not get the sovereignty 
again, even when the Sultans who now precede you 
have finished their time, nor will your children ever 
succeed, for you have offended against our Constitu- 
tion." Then he knew he would not rule again. 
When it came to his turn another succeeded to the 

' When we saw that trade fell off and no more 
ivory was forthcoming, we determined to go to 
Utetera. The Shensis of Mkahuja said to us : " You 
must not go to Utetera before having been to 
Kjrembwe." In the morning we started and pro- 
ceeded to the frontier of Mkahuja. When we 
reached that frontier the Sultan came in the after- 
noon with about 400 men. They asked us : " Where 
are you going?" I answered them : " To Utetera." 
Then the Sultan said : " Give me presents, then we 
wiU grant you the permission." We gave him 


some twenty garments and ten garments to his men 
and about 2 frasUas of beads. He said : " It is 
well." Just then people came from Kirembwe and 
said to us : " You must come to Kirembwe ; you 
must not go to Utetera. The Watetera, you know, 
are subject to us ; we have often marched out and 
defeated them. But now we will fight against 
them, you and we, and the ivory we will give to you ; 
the women we will take ourselves." But we said 
to them : " We will only go to Kassongo at Utetera." 
We waited till the afternoon, then four Shensis 
arrived, who came from Utetera ; they had marched 
through the forest and came to our camping-place. 
They asked : " Where is Tippoo Tib ?" Then they 
were brought to me, and I asked them : " What 
do you want?" They replied : "Kassongo Rushie 
sends us. He begs that you will come to him. 
There is much ivory there ; what you have bought 
comes from us." Then I said to them : "It is well. 
Utetera, you miist know, is my home. Kassongo is 
my grandfather."* They asked: "How so?" I 
told them : " Ages ago there was in Urua a Sultan, 
Rungu Kabare Kumambe, who made war on all 
countries, and amongst others came against Utetera. 
There he took captive two women, Kina Daramumba 
and Kitoto, and took them with him to Urua. 
There my grandfather, Habib bin Bushir el Wardi, 
my mother's father, who had also come to Urua, 
met them, and he bought one of the women and 
made her his wife. In this way my mother was 
born. When I was born she said to me : "In my 

* Properly ' great-uncle.' The Swahili always has at his 
disposal a great number of babas, mamas, and babus. 


own country I am a great Princess, and there is very- 
much ivory there. And our elder brother is called 
Kassongo Rushie Mwana Mapunga.' Then I deter- 
mined to come, and fought with everyone who 
came in my way, with the object of reaching my 
home." These men were seven in number : four left 
us on the spot and three remained with us in fear, 
and we concealed them. In the night the drum was 
beaten, and the Shensis said : " To-morrow there will 
be war." 

' In the morning came that Sultan of Mkahuja 
with 400 of his people. The place where we had 
made oiir camp was surrounded by towns ; they 
were all large places. We had all of us slung 
our guns about us, and had small shot and bxdlets 
ready. Then two tusks of ivory were brought us 
while we were engaged in fastening up our loads 
and packing our tents. The tribesmen who were 
with me said : " You go on with the guns ; we who 
are behind wiU conclude the bargain." But I said 
to them : " That wiU not do ; these Shensis have 
been beating the war-drum all night, and the people 
we have with us, the Watetera, say that we shall 
quite certainly be attacked, and the principal chief 
of Kirembwe, named Eangoigoi, has barred our 
way ; therefore, it is better to conclude the bargain 
while we are all together." So we proceeded to 
conclude the bargain, and while doing so we were 
surrounded by a great crowd of Shensis ; the Sultan 
and his people were in the middle of it. But we 
had said to our men : " No guns are to be fired 
unless someone is attacked, for these folks believe 
our guns to be rammers ; it is better that they should 


continue to think so." Suddenly we heard the 
report of two guns, and at the same time came two 
of our Wanyamwezi who had been hit by arrows. 
Directly afterwards we saw the Shensis flinging 
spears at us. Then we attacked them.' 

Of course it was an easy matter to defeat their 
wholly untrained hordes. As usual, several towns 
were burnt down, and the inhabitants with their 
cattle driven off. Their simplicity showed itself 
afresh in their begging Tippoo to recall their fallen 
countrymen to life. The report of the guns, which 
they thought muhogo - crushers, seemed to them 
thunder. As storms were very common in their 
country, they believed that their fallen brethren 
had fainted at the sudden claps, and would easily 
be waked again with a little daua (magic drugs). 

Peace was negotiated by Pange Bondo, who stipu- 
lated as a main condition that he should be again 
set up as Sultan. This was willingly granted him 
by Tippoo, but the Mkahuja people, as a counter- 
poise, demanded their captured fellow-tribesmen 
back. To this, too, Tippoo agreed at the advice 
of his friend, for most of the captives were, as was 
proved later, not children of the country, but slaves 
from Utetera. After the conditions had thus been 
agreed to, Pange Bondo was restored to his old 
inheritance with great pomp. The coronation was 
performed in this way : his subjects clapped moist 
clay on his head and strewed flour over it ; 
round his neck they hung a chain and ten living 
chickens. This ornament he had to wear for ten 
days, without regard to the fact that the birds died 
off in the meantime. On the handing over of the 


prisoners the wily Pange once more showed himself 
a true friend to Tippoo. The latter naturally did 
not possess ethnological experience enough to dis- 
tinguish the people of Mkahuja from the Utetera 
prisoners, and without the help of the new Sultan 
would have been badly overreached. 

With the naocking humour peculiar to him, the 
autobiographer recounts in a graphic way how 
Pange helped him out of his difficulty. One 
morning the two augurs, followed by a crowd of 
people, proceeded to a large vacant space where 
the prisoners of war were marshalled. Tippoo Tib 
seated himself and took a book in his hand, from 
the magic formulae of which, as he informed the 
wondering assemblage, he would learn which of the 
prisoners was a native of the country and which 
a Mtetera.'" He made the men march past singly, 
and with confounding accuracy pronounced the first 
dozen to be Watetera ; the thirteenth was the first of 
Mkahuja's men. And so it went on, until it turned 
out that, out of a thousand prisoners, only about a 
htmdred were fellow-tribesmen, who were given 
back, according to the agreement. The crowd was 
speechless with consternation at the omniscient 
stranger, and Pange himself, the old rascal, affected 
boundless astonishment. He jimaped about as if 
possessed, slapped his legs with his fists, and cried : 
' Just look at the sorcerer ! You wanted to fight 
with a man like that !' 

The solution of the riddle was very simple. It 

* The prefix u signifies the country, the prefix m (plural 
wa) its inhabitants ; ki at the beginning of a word signifies 
language, custom, quality. 


had been agreed that Pange should make him a 
sign every time a fresh prisoner was marched by. 
If he cast down his eyes, it was a Mtetera passing ; if 
the passer was a man of Mkahuja, the chief looked 
up in the air. 

The caravan got under way with its new booty, 
and after four days' march reached a town called 
Msange, on the borders of Utetera. The name 
Msange signifies, in the author's opinion, a settle- 
ment of men belonging to various tribes who had 
joined together here on the frontier to keep ofE 
common enemies. It was thus not a wholly 
Watetera town, though these seemed to form the 

After the travellers had made themselves at home 
on the camping-ground assigned to them, a relative 
of the Sultan, named Ribwe, visited them, who 
struck Tippoo Tib by his exceptionally large build. 
To him Tippoo Tib again dished up his weU- 
prepared tissue of lies as to his relationship with 
the Sultan, and recounted in a touching way how 
year by year, not shrinking from war or privations, 
he had journeyed in order to see the relatives of his 
much-loved mother. 

Ribwe, whom the vast knowledge of the stranger 
must have fully convinced, was so touched by this 
proof of his kinsman's affection that he at once sent 
his new cousin 300 goats and 20 elephants' tusks, 
and informed the Sultan, who lived four marches 
away, of the joyful discovery. Kassongo, equally 
convinced, at once sent envoys to fetch Tippoo Tib. 
He did not require much pressing, and hastened 
to the capital, which was of moderate size, and 


inhabited only by Kassongo and his wives ; it was, 
however, completely surrounded by larger towns. 
Kassongo himself, tlie rtder of an important tract 
between Lomami and Sankurru, was an old man of 
eccentric habits. The only beings that he regarded 
as bis social equals were tbe sun and the elephant. 
He considered botb tbese as Sultans like himself. 
He demonstrated liis respect for the sun by never 
looking at the sunrise or the sunset, for he con- 
sidered it improper to watch the toilet of his royal 
brother. His regard for his brothers the elephants 
he displayed by never eating their flesh or touching 
their tusks. 

If one may believe Tippoo Tib, Kassongo volun- 
tarily resigned the sovereignty over the whole 
country in his favour the very morning after his 
arrival. Extraordinary as this may seem, yet it 
appears to have been the truth that our traveller 
with his clumsy artifice found credence, and at once 
became ruler of the country. To the simple Shensis, 
who till then had scarcely come into contact with 
civilized tribes, it must have seemed inexplicable 
how a stranger come from afar shoxdd on his 
first entry into the country be acquainted with 
the whole genealogy of the Sultan's family. More- 
over, it stood Tippoo Tib in very good stead that he 
had had the opportunity at Mkahuja of making 
prisoners of several hundreds of Watetera. These 
he brought back to his adopted grandfather as a 
present, and was thus enabled to show his family 
feelings in a most disinterested fashion, and so 
destroy any possible doubt of the genuineness of 
his blood-relationship. So he became Sultan of 


Utetera, in full legal sovereignty. He exercised 
justice and exacted heavy penalties from all who 
committed offences. He also appointed subordinate 
rulers, who had to pay him heavy tributes. Kas- 
songo's conscientious attitude towards the elephants 
turned particularly to his advantage. As the suc- 
cession in the office of ruler did not bind him to 
share the scruples of his kinsman, he could take 
all the ivory for himself, and if he does not exag- 
gerate, within a fortnight he had acquired 200 tusks, 
of a weight of 374^ frasilas. 

In other respects, too, he did not, in his activity 
as Sultan, forget his business as a merchant. He 
sent out his ixncle Bxishir bin Habib to trade in 
Ukusu, a district lying to the west. As usual, this 
commercial journey degenerated into a pkmdering 
expedition, and Bushir, together with ten Zanzibaris 
and fifty Wanyamwezi, paid for the attempt with 
their lives. They were one and all devoured by the 
cannibal natives. This again was the signal for a 
great campaign, conducted by Tippoo Tib himself. 
Even old Kassongo would not be held back from 
taking part in the expedition. In spite of all repre- 
sentations to the contrary, he insisted on not parting 
from his long-lost great-nephew ; after having lost 
his two sisters he would not survive their grandson. 
If Tippoo Tib was doomed to die now, he would at 
least share his fate. 

The advance was made with a large force. Tippoo 
Tib declares they had in a few days got together 
100,000 men. The number is, of course, exag- 
gerated, for the Arab has no conception of exact 
computation, besides which he is fond of big-sound- 


ing figTires. But an imposing levy was no doubt 
mustered. Killing and burning, as usual, they 
marched from place to place, and the cruelties 
elsewhere practised were enhanced by all the male 
prisoners being devoured, at which the victors 
developed a hearty appetite, two of them eating up 
a whole man. Tippoo Tib endeavoured to put a stop 
to these doings — less out of love for his neighbour 
than because the sickening smell of the slaughtered 
human flesh upset him. The Manjema, however, 
paid little heed to his representations. ' If,' they 
rephed, ' we are not to eat men's flesh, do you refrain 
from goat's flesh.' In face of this reasonable argu- 
ment things remained as they were. After two 
months the claims of justice were satisfied, the 
natives who were left aHve paid an indemnity of 
sixty tusks as a mark of submission, and the vic- 
torious army withdrew. 

Tippoo Tib's absence from Utetera had been 
utihzed by Mkahuja to avenge himself for the defeat 
inflicted on him. He had raided a village on the 
frontier, plundering in the usual manner. Thus our 
hero on returning from one campaign had at once 
to undertake another. Old Kassongo again accom- 
panied him. This time it was more serious, for the 
enemy was strong, yet he was overcome within forty 
days. A large territory was subjiigated and much 
booty in ivory and goats secured. 

The supply of ivory now came in very copiously, 
for the conquered districts had to surrender all the 
tusks they had. Pange showed himself a very trusty 
subject, who paid his tribute regularly. 

So Tippoo Tib spent several years occupied with 


the duties of a ruler in his own territory and with 
expeditions, partly peaceful, partly warlike, into the 
country round. In Marera, a district to the east, two 
chiefs, Lusuna and Mpiana Nguruwe, vied with each 
other for his favour. The first, after having made 
various presents of ivory, sent his brother Rum- 
wangwa as a regular envoy. He was received by the 
newly installed Sultan with all honour. In the course 
of the interview they came to talk of the fact that 
Tippoo Tib's guns were greatly damaged and 
urgently needed repairs. Then Rumwangwa men- 
tioned that quite close at hand there were country- 
men of Tippoo Tib's, who would certainly be able to 
repair the damages. Thus our hero learned by 
accident that only a few days' march from his place 
of sojourn there was a flourishing Arab settlement, 
at Nyangwe, on the Congo. 

Naturally he at once became anxious to put him- 
seK in communication with his feUow-tribesmen who 
were so unexpectedly his neighbours, and he set off 
for Lusuna's country. 

On the way, however, his people broke the peace 
by committing various acts of plunder. Lusuna, 
out of regard for his powerful ally, winked at the 
matter, but managed to induce him for the present 
to remain behind with the bulk of his people ; he 
himseK would take a small body with the damaged 
guns to Nyangwe, and so estabhsh communications. 

On the way they were attacked and fired upon by 
Arabs fi-om Nyangwe, who were just making a raid 
into the country round. But when they saw that 
they had not to do with enemies, they parleyed with 
them and learned that an Arab named Tippoo Tib 


wanted to put himself in commtinication with them. 
They had often heard the name, hut did not know 
which of their countrymen was the celebrated bearer 
of that designation. At their request our hero was 
fetched, and was at once recognised by them as the 
famous son of old Muhammed from Tabora. 



' No ! here is not any need : 
Black the maidens, white the bread !' 

Goethe : Soldier's Comfort. 

Great was the joy of meeting again, especially for 
Tippoo Tib, wlio for almost ten years liad been cut 
off from intercourse with his brothers and had no 
idea how matters stood at home. He learned that 
Siiltan Majid had died meanwhile (1870), and that 
his brother Burghash, Tippoo Tib's enemy, reigned 
in his stead. He also heard of the great cyclone 
which in 1872 devastated the island of Zanzibar, 
tore down houses and uprooted the strongest trees. 
So, too, it was interesting news to him that political 
conditions had changed considerably in Tabora. 
Also they related that a European named Cameron, 
with whom we shall have to concern ourselves more 
closely directly, had arrived among them. 

The leaders of the Arab host were two men of the 
coast, Mwinyi Dugumbi and Mtagamoyo. They 
wanted to take Tippoo Tib with them at once to 
Nyangwe, but he preferred first to settle certain 
business in his own country, and for the present 
only sent some men with them to supply verbal 



proof to the Arab settlement that Hamed bin 
Mubammed was identical with the celebrated Tip- 
poo Tib. 

After a few days he followed in person. Nyangwe 
made on him — accustomed as he had been for years 
only to native villages — the impression of a promi- 
nent capital. And, in fact, it was the entrepot for the 
whole country to a great distance round. It lay, as 
Cameron recounts, on a hiU that secured it from 
fever, and consisted of two different settlements 
situated on the right bank of the Congo. The more 
easterly, which was kept clean, was inhabited by 
Arabs and the better class of Swahilis ; the western- 
most was the abode of the ordinary people of the 
coast and the Shensis. Their chief was the Mwinyi 
Dugumbi aforesaid, whom Cameron describes as a 
rascal, ruined by drink and sexual excesses. 

The Arabs here formed an imposing community. 
Unlike other countries which they only passed 
through to plunder, they had established here a 
secure fastness, in which they might feel themselves 
at home, and safe from any danger of attack. Here, 
too, the Arabs' peculiar love for agriculture had 
again come to the fore. In the well-watered low- 
lands of the river they had laid out broad rice-fields, 
which flourished so luxuriantly that people called 
the whole country New Bengal. Tippoo Tib and 
his people, who for many years had seen no rice, 
felt their mouths water when they could once more 
enjoy the old familiar dish. 

Soon after our hero's arrival at Nyangwe, the 
traveller Cameron, who was the first man to 
cross the Dark Continent, appeared on the scene. 


Originally an English naval officer, he had been 
chosen in 1872 by the London Geographical 
Society to go to the assistance of Livingstone. On 
March 24, 1873, he started, with three European 
companions, from Bagamoyo. At Unyanyembe he 
encountered the body of the great explorer, which 
was being borne to the coast by his faithful 
servants. One of Cameron's companions undertook 
the guidance of the convoy ; the two others soon 
succumbed to the effects of the chmate. Cameron 
marched on alone to Ujiji, which he reached on 
February 24, 1874. Between March 13 and May 9 
he passed round Tanganyika, and discovered in 
doing so the Lukuga, its westerly outlet to the 
Lualaba. Proceeding further west on May 18, he 
arrived in August at Nyangwe, where for a fortnight 
he endeavoured in vain to procure boats to go down 
the Lualaba. Although he did not as yet suspect 
that that stream was the Congo itself, he was con- 
vinced from the measurements he had taken that it 
must be one of its principal tributaries, and could 
not, as was generally believed, belong to the river 
system of the Nile. 

On August 19 Tippoo Tib visited him, and at 
once, with the chivalry he always showed to 
European travellers, offered his services for his 
further journey westwards. He proposed to him to 
follow him to his camp on the Lomami ; from there 
on he would furnish him with guides, who would be 
easy to find, as natives in small bodies were con- 
stantly in communication with the Sankurru. As it 
happened, some people from those districts were 
present and could confirm Tippoo Tib's statements. 



It must be admitted that tlie latter' s partiality for 
the European was regarded with great disfavour by 
his compatriots ; but he not only paid no heed to 
their representations, but allowed himself to be in- 
duced by Cameron, who wanted to lose no more 
time, to make a particularly hasty start. His inten- 
tion had really been to make a trip shortly to the 
equally important Arab settlement of Kwa Kas- 
songo,* which lay lower down the river, but he 
allowed himself to be turned from his purpose by 
the urgent entreaties of his prot^g^. 

On August 26 they set off together, crossed the 
Ruvubu, passed through various villages laid waste 
by Arab bands ; and though Cameron, owing to 
violent attacks of fever, could not make the usual 
marches, they arrived by the 29th at a village of 
Lusuna's, near which they pitched their camp. 
Before this they had had a bloody encounter with 
natives, who recognised in some of the people who 
had joined the caravan from Nyangwe their old 
enemies. The intervention of Tippoo Tib, however, 
who was everywhere feared, soon restored peace. 

They rested for some days near the village where 
Lusuna was staying just then, as Tippoo Tib had 
various matters to discuss with his ally. Lusuna 
came backwards and forwards on visits to the camp ; 
still more often did his wives, whose remarkable 
beauty had made a particular impression on the 
English traveller. They gradually became very 
confiding, and a busy intercourse sprang up between 

* The place was really called Mwana Mamba, but, because a 
Kassongo ruled there, was mostly styled by the Arabs Kwa 
(Big) Kassongo, and later simply Kassongo. 


the township and the stranger's camp. Ltisnna was 
in the habit of bringing with him on his visits a 
special carved chair, and using the lap of one of his 
wives as a footstool. 

On their onward march the caravan came to a 
township, which was the chief's real capital and 
inhabited by him and his wives. Lusuna's marriage 
relations were, according to Tippoo Tib's account, 
a remarkable freak of polygamy. Of actiial wives 
he had thirty, who lived with him in his homestead. 
The other women inhabitants of the place also 
counted as his wives, only they were legally entitled 
to provide themselves with other domestic com- 
panions. The children born of them were reckoned 
in any case as Lnsuna's offspring, and might attain 
to the throne like his actual offspring. On 
September 3 Tippoo Tib's camp was reached. It 
was situated very favourably on a low eminence. 
In spite of its temporary character, it had pleasant 
houses, of which one with two living-rooms and a 
bath-room was set apart for the European guest. 

Soon after their arrival Kassongo announced his 
visit, which was awaited in an open hall built for 
gatherings. The Arabs put on their garments of 
state in honour of the chief. Cameron as a tattered 
traveller could not appear in gala costume. He 
dwells on this with regret, and is quite right in his 
instinct if he sees a shortcoming in his shabby 
clothing. Man in a state of nature makes a great 
deal of an imposing exterior, and among the indis- 
pensable paraphernalia of an explorer should cer- 
tainly be nmnbered a few garments of ceremony. 
Zintgraff, the explorer of the Cameroons,' after he 



had realized this necessity, had a white silk burnous 
made for state occasions ; while Peters, in his 
Emin Pasha expedition, devised a fancy -uniform 
bedizened with gold in order to impress the Masai. 

Cameron's account of his visit is as follows :"•■'' 
' An individual authorized by the chief to do duty as 
master of the ceremonies then arrived, carrying a 
long carved walking-stick as a badge of office, his 
appearance being the signal for all porters and 
slaves in camp and people from surrounding 
villages to crowd round to witness the spectacle. 
The master of the ceremonies drove the anxious 
sightseers back, and formed a space near the 
reception-room — as the hut may be termed — and 
their different subchiefs arrived, each followed by 
spearmen and shield-bearers, varying in nxmiber 
according to rank, a few of the most important 
being followed also by drummers. 

' Each new-comer was brought to the entrance, 
where the Arabs and myself had taken our seats, 
and his name and rank proclaimed by the master 
of the ceremonies, who further informed him the 
position he was to occupy in order to be ready to 
welcome Kassongo. After some time spent in this 
manner, much dnmiming and shouting announced 
the approach of the great man himself. First in 
the procession were half a dozen drummers ; then 
thirty or forty spearmen, followed by six women 
carrying shields ; and next Kassongo, accompanied 
by his brothers, eldest son, two of his daughters, 
and a few officials about him, the rear being brought 
up by spearmen, drummers, and mar^m^a-players. 
* ' Across Africa,' 1877, vol. ii., p. 21. 


On his reacliing the entrance to the hut, a ring was 
formed, and Kassongo — dressed in a jacket and kilt 
of red and yellow woollen cloth, trimmed with long- 
haired monkey-skins (a present from Tippoo Tib), 
and with a greasy handkerchief tied round his 
head — performed a jigging dance with his two 

' The terpsichorean performance being concluded 
in about a quarter of an hour, he then entered the 
hut, and we had a long conversation.' 

Cameron informed the chief that he wanted to 
cross the Lomami and proceed to the Sankurru, 
which he believed to be a lake, and Kassongo 
readily offered to help him by negotiations with 
the Sultan of the territory to be traversed. How- 
ever, the answer sent back by him was that 'no 
strangers with guns had ever passed through his 
country, and that none should do so without fighting 
their way.' 

The European w^as not disposed to risk forcing 
his way through, though with Tippoo Tib's help he 
felt himself strong enotigh to do so, but luckily it 
proved possible to reach his goal by a circuitous 
route. He learned from various quarters that Portu- 
guese traders had arrived at the capital of Urua, 
to the south-west of his present place of sojourn. 
As a proof of the truth of this statement, an old 
Portuguese soldier's coat was shown him, which a 
native had recently received from one of the white 

So Cameron determined as his next step to get 
into touch with these Portuguese, and Tippoo Tib 
gave him three guides, who journeyed ten days 


with him on the road. He reached the capital of 
Urua, and found there Portuguese half-castes, who, 
although Christians, were carrying on a brisk trade 
in slaves. Indeed, they behaved much more cruelly 
than their Arab fellow-traders, to whom no religious 
injunction of love for one's neighbour forbids this 
traffic as sin. After eventful journeys in the southern 
districts — which Tippoo Tib had passed through 
before — Cameron arrived with his Portuguese com- 
panions, more dead than alive, at Benguela, on the 
West Coast, in November, 1875, and thus completed 
the first crossing of Africa — a meritorious exploit, 
rich in geographical results. 

After his men returned, Tippoo Tib had waited 
three months longer in his camp, so as to be able 
to help Cameron in case he came back unsuccessful. 
As, however, nothing further was heard of him, he 
departed to attend once more to his duties as ruler 
and to his business affairs. 

To begin with, he wanted to make the journey, 
already planned, but given up on Cameron's account, 
to Kwa Kassongo, where dwelt many of his friends 
from Zanzibar. Above aU he looked forward to 
meeting again his cousin, Muhammed bin Said — 
who died lately at an advanced age in Zanzibar — 
known far and wide as Bwana Nzige (Master Locust), 
a name given him because his caravans were as 
large as swarms of locusts, and ate bare all the 
districts that they passed through. 

As Kassongo Rushie had abdicated once and for 
all, and was glad to have nothing more to do with 
the business of government, our hero before leaving 
Utetera had to appoint a representative there. He 


chose for the post a man of the coast named 
Mwinyi Dadi, with whom he left a body of a 
hundred Wanyamwezi with fifty guns. 

Guided by some of Kassongo's men, Tippoo Tib 
first made his way to Nyangwe. The Arabs there 
wanted at all costs to induce him to remain with 
them, so as to have the support of his powerful 
armed force in their constant collisions with the 
negro tribes around ; but he would not be per- 
suaded, even when they warned him that there 
was famine at Kwa Kassongo. As a born fatalist, 
he believed that if he went there Allah, the Lord of 
Might, would order all for the best. 

At Kwa Kassongo the chief command over all 
the Arabs was at once conferred on him. He found 
that the people of Nyangwe had only told the truth 
about the unfavourable state of things in the place. 
Provisions were scarce, and the natives around 
showed themselves hostile. The latter fact he had 
occasion shortly to experience personally, as 200 of 
his slaves were suddenly carried off. 

This gave the welcome pretext for a great cam- 
paign. True, the Arabs were not well provided 
with weapons, but under the leadership of the ever- 
victorious Tippoo Tib they feared nothing. The 
Shensis were speedily vanquished, and had once 
more to pay heav^- tribiite ; in particular, they were 
forced to deliver up all their ivory. After peace 
was restored agriculture once more flourished. 
There was so much rice that the people of Nyangwe 
came over to buy it, and paid a heavy price for it 
in ivory. Tribes that lay further away were also 
subjugated, so that all the way to Utetera things 


were so peaceful that even women could pass to and 
fro without risk. 

Utetera itself proved to be a regular gold-mine. 
Mwinyi Dadi saw to the affairs of his master so 
excellently that he could regularly send ample 
supplies of ivory. 

From Kwa Kassongo Tippoo Tib for the first 
time reopened communications with his old father 
and other friends at Tabora. Their joy was great 
when they heard of the prosperity of the long- 
absent one. His messengers found Muhammed 
bin Masud, his stepbrother, also at Tabora. Tippoo 
Tib, as we know, left him behind at Itahua with 
Nsama. After hearing nothing for years of the 
brother who had journeyed so far away, he had 
returned to the Arab town. During that time he 
had acquired 700 frasilas of ivory, and passed 
them on in Tippoo Tib's name to his creditor, Taria 

His compatriots at Tabora sent the messengers 
back with various gifts, and bade Tippoo Tib come 
home as soon as possible. But as trade was jiist 
going well he could not make up his mind to 
return, in spite of repeated persuasions. Most of 
the Tabora messengers settled down in the new 
country, became petty Sultans, and were so pleased 
with their position that they never thought of going 
home again. 

When all messages had thus proved fruitless. 
Said bin Ali at last came himself to bring his friend 
away. As will be remembered, this Arab had 
parted from Tippoo Tib in Urua, in order to trade 
in Katanga with Sultan Msire. When his mer- 


chandise had come to an end, lie had got into commu- 
nication with Muhammed bin Masud, and proceeded 
in company with him to Tabora. 

When he now arrived at Kassongo, Tippoo Tib 
had just gone down the Congo on a trading trip. 
At the news of Said's coming he at once turned 
back, and at length allowed himself to be persuaded 
to go to Tabora together with his friend. But 
before he could carry out this intention fresh war- 
like occurrences demanded his attention. The 
Portuguese traders whom Cameron met in the 
south of Urua had invaded Utetera, and robbed and 
plundered there. Tippoo Tib marched against them 
and defeated them. 

On his return to Nyangwe he received the sad 
news that his true friend. Said bin Ali, the com- 
panion of so many years of wandering, rich alike 
in privations and successes, had died. During the 
course of the expedition news had been brought that 
he had fallen dangerously ill of blood-poisoning. 

So the return to Tabora again receded into the 
distant future. 



' La abrah hatta ablur magma el baharen au amdhi hukuban.' 

' I shall not cease until I reach the junction of the two seas, 
even if I have to journey for eighty years.' — Koean : Suret el 
Kahaf, xviii. 62. 

Some months went by in peaceful work at Nyangwe 
and Kwa Kassongo, when one day the traveller 
Stanley appeared on his famous journey across 
Africa. His arrival turned the activity of our hero 
for the next few months into fresh channels. 

Stanley was born, in 1841, in Wales, of hnmble 
parentage. His real name was James Rowland, but 
he was afterwards adopted at New Orleans, where 
he went as a cabin-boy, by an American merchant 
and took his name. He travelled as a newspaper 
correspondent through Turkey, Asia Minor, and 
Abyssinia. In 1869 Bennett, the proprietor of the 
New York Herald, sent him to Africa to look for 
the long lost Livingstone. He found him at Ujiji 
on November 10, 1871. In company with him, he 
travelled round Lake Tanganyika, and then returned 
home by Zanzibar, while Livingstone remained at 
Unyanyembe. This journey had estabhshed his 
reputation as an African explorer. After having 



taken part in the Ashanti Campaign in 1873-1874, 
he was secured by the managers of the New York 
Herald and Daily Telegraph, who shared the ex- 
penses, for a new journey in Africa. Starting from 
Bagamoyo, he marched, in November, 1874, to the 
Victoria Nyanza, which he reached in February, 
1875. In January, 1876, he visited Mtesa, King 
of Uganda. That prince placed 2,000 spearmen 
at his disposal for his further march to Lake 
Albert. The goal which Stanley reached under 
this escort was, however, though he was not aware 
of it, the hitherto undiscovered Lake Albert 
Edward. From there the explorer turned aside by 
way of the territory of Karagwe to Tanganyika, 
which he circumnavigated for the second time, in 
June and July, 1876. At the end of August he 
started from Ujiji for the west, and in October 
reached Kassongo, where, among numerous other 
Arabs, he found our hero. 

The autobiographer describes this first meeting 
in the foUowing very dramatic fashion : 

' At the end of another month Stanley appeared 
one afternoon. I bade him welcome, and we allotted 
him a house. Next morning we visited him and he 
showed us a gun and said : " With this gun you can 
fire fifteen shots at a time." But we knew nothing 
of a fifteen-shot gun ; we had neither heard of such 
a thing nor seen one. I asked him : " From one 
barrel ?" And he replied : " They come out of one 
barrel." Then I said to him : " Fire it off, that we 
may see." But he said : " I will sooner pay twenty 
or thirty dollars than fire off a single cartridge." 
Then I thought in my heart : "He is lying. That 


is a rifle with one barrel, and the second thing 
there must be the ramrod.® How can the bullets 
come one after another out of the one barrel ?" And 
I told him in turn : " On the Lomami is a bow on 
which you place twenty arrows, and when jou shoot 
it ofE the whole twenty fly at once, and every arrow 
strikes a man."! Then he rose at once, went 
outside and fired twelve shots. He also seized a 
pistol and let off six shots. After this he came 
back and seated himself on the harasa. We were 
mightily astonished. I begged him " Show me 
how you load." Then he showed me.' 

Stanley makes no mention of this firing story, 
which made such a remarkable impression on 
Tippoo Tib, who, like all Arabs, is a great lover 
of weapons. But the life-like picture he gives of 
our hero is well worth reading.:]^ 

'He was a tall, black-bearded man of negroid 
complexion, in the prime of life, straight and quick 
in his movements, a picture of energy and strength. 
He had a fine, intelligent face, with a nervous 
twitching of the eyes, and gleaming white, per- 
fectly formed teeth. He was attended by a large 
retinue of young Arabs, who looked up to him as 
chief, and a score of Wangwana and Wanyamwezi 
followers, whom he had led over thousands of miles 
through Africa. 

' With the air of a well-bred Arab and almost 

* What the narrator takes for the second barrel is the 

t This answer is quite in Jjeeping with Tippoo Tib's ironical 
way. As he thinks Stanley is romancing, he wants to outdo 
him by a still bigger lie. 

I 'Through the Dark Continent,' vol. ii., pp. 95, 96. 


courtier-like in his inamier, he welcomed me to 
Mwana Wambe's village, and, his slaves being 
ready at hand with mat and bolster, he reclined 
vis-d-vis, while a buzz of admiration of his style was 
perceptible from the onlookers. 

' After regarding him for a few minutes I came 
to the conclusion that this Arab was a remarkable 
man, the most remarkable that I had met among 
Arabs, Wa-Swahili, and half-castes in Africa. He 
was neat in his person: his clothes were of a 
spotless white, his fez-cap brand-new, his waist 
was encircled by a rich dowie (dagger-belt), his 
dagger was splendid ivith silver filigree, and his 
tout ensemble was that of an Arab gentleman in very 
comfortable circumstances.' 

Stanley's first questions were about the fate of 
Cameron, who, aiming at the same goal as himself, 
had at this point abandoned the direction he had 
kept hitherto and turned off southwards. What 
particularly interested him was to learn for what 
reasons his predecessor had left the course of the 

Tippoo Tib explained this to him clearly and 
intelligibly. It was the difficulty in procuring 
boats, the threat of hostilities on the part of the 
natives of the districts they would have to pass 
through, and the disinclination of his own followers 
to risk their lives on a river whose channel was 
difficult to navigate and whose course was quite 

With these obstacles, which many years before 
had forced Livingstone to turn back, Stanley would 
also have to contend. Like Cameron before him, 


lie endeavoured to secure the powerful assistance of 
the King of Mamyema, but at first he showed little 
inclination and excused himself by the fact that at 
the time he had scarcely 300 warriors with him. 
These would indeed be enough to go with Stanley, 
who had a strong force of his own ; but when 
by-and-by he would have to return without him, 
he would surely be annihilated. The Shensis, when 
they saw, as they would, his troops coming back 
alone and with empty hands, would say that the 
powerful Tippoo Tib's caravan had been scattered 
by hostile tribes, and would do their utmost to 
complete its destruction. 

To Stanley's objection that he himself was going 
to face a still more hazardous future, the Arab 
cooUy rejoined that it was his own personal 
pleasure if it amused him to risk his life for the 
discovery of mountains, lakes, and rivers ; he him- 
self was a plain ivory-trader, and had no fancy for 
such unprofitable tricks. At last, however, he went 
so far as to say that he would sleep over the matter 
once more. 

The next morning, towards eight o'clock, the 
discussion was continued, and Stanley was re- 
quested to set forth his plans more in detail. He 
replied that he intended to go down-stream in boats 
until the river took a marked turn either north- 
wards or westwards. 

' How far was this by the land route ?' 

He did not know ; perhaps Tippoo Tib did. 

' No,' replied the latter, ' but I have brought a 
man with me who has been further down-stream 
than anyone else.' 


Tlie man in question, Abed bin Juma by name, 
then informed the astonished Stanley that the river 
flowed northwards and yet further northwards, until 
at last it emptied itself into the sea. To be sure, 
he could not say what sea it was ; it could, 
however, if he was right about it, only be the 

Asked for the source of his knowledge, he told a 
wonderful story which, although swarming with 
geographical impossibilities, yet doubtless had a 
nucleus of truth. It was that on a predatory 
expedition headed by Mtagamoyo, the fearless 
leader of the Nyangwe men, after days of marching 
they had come to the country of the Wakuma, to 
the west of Lomami. There they had found some 
representatives of that mysterious race of dwarfs 
whose existence had long been regarded as a fable, 
until at length, in 1876, du Chaillu, first among 
Europeans, found similar pigmies on the Gaboon. 
The first scientific investigations touching them 
we owe to Stuhlmann, who in 1893 brought with 
him to Europe two Batua women from the district 
west of Ruwenzori. They are scattered from the 
sources of the Ituri throughout the basin of the 
Congo as far as the lower course of the Sankurru. 
They live in groiips among the other tribes, with 
whom they have little intercourse. They inhabit 
thick forests and live by hunting, which they carry 
on with poisoned arrows. Their stature never 
exceeds 4 feet 10 inches, and it is supposed that 
together with the Bushmen, with whom they have 
many points of resemblance, they represent the 
aboriginal race of Africa. 


The dwarfs whom the Arabs met said that in 
their country there were boundless treasures of 
ivory. They themselves attached no value to it, 
and even wondered why foreigners wanted it, as 
it was not good to eat. Enticed further by these fabu- 
lous narratives, Mtagamoyo's caravan after six more 
days' march reached the land of the dwarfs proper, 
but was very fiercely received by the malicious 
little demons. They sprang from the soil around like 
mushrooms, and showered their poisoned arrows 
on the travellers, causing them endless losses. 
Only thirty were able to escape with bare life. 
In addition to this, Abed told harrowing stories 
of apes as big as men and frightful snakes. 

The route by the river was not less dangerous. 
Below Nyangwe it was a mass of cataracts, which 
would bring certain destruction to any vessel. Old 
Daud (Livingstone) had turned back precisely on 
this account, and no one would induce the Arabs 
to return to those terrible regions. 

In spite of this weird description, Stanley, whose 
account we are follomng for the present, persisted 
in his plan, and Tippoo Tib showed himself not 
averse to it. He first told all the Arabs, with the 
exception of his coiisin Muhammed bin Said, to 
go outside, and then stated his conditions. His 
countrymen had indeed urgently dissuaded him 
from risking his life, but he did not want to place 
Stanley in a dilemma, and so was ready, for a 
consideration of 5,000 dollars, to accompany him 
sixty days' march, reckoning four hours to each 

The following points were agreed upon : 


1. The starting - point of the journey to be 
Nyangwe ; the day and the direction taken to be 
determined by Stanley. 

2. The journey not to last longer than three 

3. The rate of travel to be two days' marching to 
one day of rest. 

4. After Tippoo Tib had accompanied him sixty 
marches of four hours each, Stanley was to return 
with him to Nyangwe, unless he met traders from 
the West Coast on the way, whom he might join and 
continue his march to the Atlantic. In that case 
Stanley was to engage himself to hand over two- 
thirds of his own men to Tippoo Tib as an escort on 
the return march to Nyangwe. 

5. Exclusive of the 5,000 dollars, Stanley was to 
pay for the keep of 140 of Tippoo Tib's men during 
their absence from Kassongo, going and returning. 

6. If, owing to the difficulties of the country or the 
attitude of the natives, he should find it impracticable 
to continiie the journey, he would still have to pay 
the full sum of 5,000 dollars. 

7. In case Tippoo Tib should abandon Stanley 
through faint-heartedness before the expiration of 
the stipulated time, he was to forfeit all claim to 
reward or payment for keep. 

So far Stanley, from whose statements Tippoo 
Tib's accounts differ materially. He says that 
Stanley came to him as a suppHant, and begged 
and entreated him to accompany him to 'Munza,' a 
country situated eighty days' march from there in the 
direction of Mecca — i.e., north-north-east — and he 
would give him 7,000 dollars (not 5,000) ; and 



that no mention was made at that time of the plan 
of travelling by the river. Tippoo Tib replied 
that he was not indisposed to come with him, but 
that he was not doing it out of greed of gold, for he 
possessed so much ivory that 7,000 dollars were not 
a consideration to him ; if he went it would princi- 
pally be out of desire to oblige. 

He says that the next morning he declared his 
readiness to go, but that he did not agree to the 
conditions recapitulated by Stanley in the manner 
set forth above ; least of all did any written compact 
pass between them. 

He also emphasizes the fact that his fellow- 
tribesmen strongly advised him against going, and 
when they saw he had made up his mind, reproached 
him violently. He must have gone quite mad, they 
said, to endanger his life to please an unbeliever. 
Did he want to become a European himself ? But 
he answered them with dignity : ' Perhaps I am 
mad and it is you who are sane. Mind your own 

It is plain that the accounts are widely divergent. 
With regard to the sum agreed on — whether 5,000 
or 7,000 dollars — perhaps Stanley is the more 
worthy of credence. The Arab has, as has before 
been insisted on, little comprehension for figures 
and loves to exaggerate, while Stanley had no reason 
to put the amount really promised too low, for he 
never paid it, as we shall see later on. 

However, it is one man's word against another's, 
and as the negotiation was carried on without the 
presence of witnesses, it is difficult to decide which 
of the two accounts is the correct one. 


The greater advantage in the alleged compact lay- 
in any case with Stanley. His enterprise would 
perhaps have been wrecked by the ill-will of the 
Arab, while the latter would have managed without 
the 5,000 or 7,000 dollars, and did so manage in 
the long-run. 

Stanley then tells us a pathetic storj% embelKshed 
with a dramatic night scene, in which he debated 
with his servant Frank whether they should choose 
the route which seemed more dangerous, but was 
more in harmony with the object of their journey 
along the line of the river, or that which Cameron 
had adopted through Kassongo's country ; and how 
they at last decided to settle it by the spin of a coin. 
A rupee was produced and spun — ' head ' for the 
river, ' tail ' for the land. ' Tail ' came down twice. 
The straws also, which were next called on for their 
oracle, gave their voice for the land route. In spite 
of which the daring travellers decided to follow the 
course of the river. 

After these jests, the description of which displays 
Stanley's bravado in the proper light, the morning 
of October 23, 1874, dawned, on which day, accord- 
ing to the English version, the contract was signed 
and the details agreed to — viz., that Tippoo Tib 
should take with him on the journey 140 armed and 
70 reserve men. 

On the 24th they marched from Kassongo to 
Nyangwe, where Tippoo Tib assembled his men and 
got them ready for the route. He had in the end, 
including women and children, a train of 700 souls. 
Of these, however, 400 belonged to Stanley's follow- 
ing ; the remainder were only to proceed for a few 



days in company with the main body, after which 
they were to diverge in a north-easterly direction, 
in order to trade in districts as yet unvisited. 

On November 5 the caravan left Nyangwe, and 
in the afternoon, after journeying a distance of nine 
and a half miles over a rolling plain covered with 
grass, reached the villages of Na-Kasimbi, in which 
they made their first halt. On the 6th they found 
themselves in face of Mitamba, a thick, black forest, 
in whose shade, which no ray of sunlight illumined, 
the travellers were swallowed up. He who has not 
seen with his own eyes a tropical primeval forest 
can scarcely form an idea of the horrors of siich a 
wilderness. There is none of the refreshing breath 
of our native forests ; a stifling, mouldy atmosphere 
meets the intruder. Between stout and gigantic 
trees wind creepers as high as a man, which mock 
the axe as laboriously it seeks to make its way, and 
grasp with their octopus-like arms at the garments 
of the wanderer, who worms his way through the 
less matted spots. The primeval tree-trunks, dis- 
turbed in their sleep, shake down their dew in great 
drops, and the groping foot seeks vainly for a firm 
hold on the viscous soil. 

Stanley was spared none of these difficulties, and 
his course was stiU further hampered by the 
munerous streams, carrying more or less water, that 
had to be passed. In spite of this, nine to ten miles 
a day were covered, though the carriers often did 
not reach the camping-ground till late in the evening. 
Those among them who had to carry the parts of a 
steel boat that Stanley took with him fared particu- 
larly badly. The sections could not always be 


reduced to the dimensions of an average load — 
which should not exceed 60 pounds — but had in some 
instances to be made into doiible loads, and in the 
closely-tangled undergrowth, through which a single 
man could scarcely worm his way, it was a heavy 
task to make progress with them. The stipulation 
that they were only to march four hours a day soon 
fell into disuse over it. 

On November 11 the boat-carriers did not reach 
camp at all ; they only came in at noon the next day, 
completely exhausted. 

Of course, under all these adverse conditions, 
the mood of the caravan was from the first most 
depressed, and degenerated from day to day 
into open discontent, the more so as the few who 
had followed this route before declared that the 
terrors with which they had so far made acquaint- 
ance were child's play to what was yet to come. 
The most rebellious were naturally the men with the 
boat, whose complaints, justified as Stanley could 
not but own they were, found a loud echo among 
the others. Even Tippoo Tib sighs at the recollec- 
tion of the labours of those marches, and among his 
followers there was open murmuring, which reached 
Stanley's ears, against the ' Forest of the Infidel,' as, 
with a certain double meaning directed against the 
leader, they christened the jungle they were passing 

On November 14 the 300 men of the trading 
caravan took leave of them and marched away in a 
north-easterly direction. After a further very trying 
march — so Stanley relates — on the morning of the 
16th the remainder announced through Tippoo 


Tib their determination to turn back. The forest 
tbrougb. which they were now passing was not made 
for travel ; only vile pagans, monkeys, and wild 
beasts could harbour in it. 

After two hours' debate, in which Stanley exerted 
all his eloquence, he succeeded apparently in in- 
ducing Tippoo Tib to accompany him further. It 
was decided to strike off to the river, and march 
along its left bank. Tippoo Tib pledged himseK, 
setting aside the first contract, to twenty more 
marches from their present camping-ground, in 
return for a wage of 2,600 dollars, and it was decided 
to discuss later a possible further extension. 

Tippoo Tib's statements here again vary widely 
from Stanley's version. He says that the American, 
in face of the diflficulties of the march and the 
unwillingness of the carriers, lost his head com- 
pletely, and himself made the proposal to diverge to 
the Congo. He entirely disputes any reversal of the 
compact, to which he had from the first given only a 
qualified assent, let alone the lowering of the wage 
promised him. However that may be, on Novem- 
ber 19 the river was reached, forty-one geographical 
miles north of Nyangwe. It was about 1,200 yards 
wide, and no longer bore the name Lualaba, as at 
Nyangwe. Stanley, not yet knowing that he had to 
do with the Congo, called it from this point on the 

After the camp had been pitched they began to 
put together the steel boat known as the Lady 
Alice. Meanwhile Stanley stretched himself in the 
grass on the river-bank, and as, full of grave 
thoughts, he contemplated the waters flowing past 


him into an unknown distance, the resolution ripened 
in him at all hazards to navigate their hitherto 
uncharted course in boats, regardless whither they 
might flow. 

At once he summoned his people together in order 
to deliver to them a stirring address. To show the 
reader how skilful he was in handling the natives, 
true to his old journaHstic calling, he gives this 
speech, which is Avorthy of embodiment in an epic, 
in two pages of print, with all theatrical accessories. 
Of course, the eiSect of his words is that at once half 
the at first hesitating blacks swear to follow him 
blindly to the death ; only Tippoo Tib and a couple of 
other Arabs stand aside as an obstinately dissentient 
element, and endeavour to dissuade him from his 
daring project. 

He is already in a fair way to convince these also 
by the all-mastering power of his eloquence, when 
the palaver is interrupted by the appearance of 
several canoes full of natives. Stanley tried, by the 
help of an interpreter, to persuade them of his 
peaceful intentions ; but when they heard that the 
new-comers were from Nyangwe, their mistrust was 
doubly excited. Even the promise of presents of 
untold beads could not indiice them to bring their 
boats in and take the travellers to the further bank. 
On the contrary, they at once raised their war-cry, 
which found a hundred echoes in the bushes on the 

Meanwhile the steel boat had been put together, 
and Stanley crossed to the left bank to open rela- 
tions in person. The Shensis at length declared 
themselves willing to enter into friendly intercourse 


with the new-comers, on condition that the white man 
should contract blood-brotherhood with their chief- 
tain. An island in the middle of the river was 
fixed on as the scene of the solemnity, the time to be 
next morning. 

Such proposals of fraternization on the part of 
natives for the most part amount to a clnmsy snare. 
This Stanley suspected, so as a precaution he landed 
a considerable body of men on the island during the 
night. His servant Frank was sent as white man 
for the completion of the ceremony, while he himself 
remained hard by with the boat, to be ready at once 
in case of treachery. 

He was not deceived in his forebodings. From 
the first the Shensis adopted a threatening attitude, 
and soon proceeded to open hostilities. But when 
they were confronted by the reserves that had 
been concealed during the night, they hastily took 
to flight and paddled back to the left bank. 

After the failure of this attempt at peaceful rela- 
tions, Stanley determined at all hazards to transfer 
his caravan to the west bank. As many men as the 
Lady Alice would carry, thirty in round numbers, 
were taken across to begin with ; while they set to 
work to entrench a camp, the remaining carriers 
were gradually fetched, and at length several 
Shensis M^ere induced by a bribe of beads to place 
six boats at their disposal for transport purposes. 
By night on November 20 Stanley's whole caravan 
was encamped on the left bank. 

By the next morning the hard-won friendship of 
the natives was again at an end ; all the villages far 
and wide were deserted, and so it remained for the 
most part during the ensuing march. 


Stanley, with a few men, proceeded down-stream 
in the Lady Alice ; the Inain body followed by the 
land route. Both parties had unpleasant experiences 
in the shape of hostilities on the part of the 
dwellers on the banks, but the land detachment 
came off worse, as it lost its way and had to sustain 
an engagement with the Bakusu, with miich loss. 
Not till November 26 did the two parties effect a 
junction, after which they kept more in touch. 

In course of time they succeeded in getting 
together a certain number of native boats, which 
were very serviceable, as small-pox and dysentery 
broke out in the land division, and made many men 
unfit for marching. A floating hospital was formed 
for them. 

The two accounts again differ greatly as to the 
way in which the boats were procured. Tippoo Tib, 
who is generally inclined to excuse his sins on the 
ground of necessity, declares with praiseworthy 
candour that the canoes were captured in a boisterous 
' drive.' He writes : 

' I attacked the Shensis, and took their boats and 
goats from them. Every day I got six or seven 
canoes, and any number of goats. But the inhabi- 
tants are very well trained in making off with their 
boats. They have also war-drums, called mingungu. 
The first town beats them, then the second follows 
suit, and every town that hears the signal passes it 
on. Thus one may travel for two months without 
finding any people in the townships. You only see 
goats, for there are very many of them, and they 
cannot get away. And most of the boats are small, 
and one does not easily get them unless the 
occupants hear bullets flying about their ears or 


are actually hit by them. Then they plunge into 
the water and leave the boats behind them.' 

It is easy for Tippoo Tib to be outspoken over this 
episode, for he knows that the European reader is 
bound to lay the responsibility on Stanley. The 
latter, however, in full consciousness of innocence, 
disdains to invoke the plea of necessity, well- 
grounded though it was, and describes to us how he 
obtained lawful possession of the boats in a perfectly 
peaceable manner. In the first instance six master- 
less canoes were found and appropriated, while on 
December 4 they discovered a very large boat that 
had clearly been abandoned for years ; this, though 
much damaged, was also annexed, and, after the most 
urgent defects had been repaired, could carry sixty 

These pieces of luck of course materially facili- 
tated their advance, but for all that there were 
difficulties enough, while sickness and the hostility 
of the natives gave them no respite. More lives 
were lost daily. On the 11th eight corpses, among 
them the three youthful favourites of our hero, 
were sunk in the waters of the fatal stream. In 
the middle of December the river wing had a serious 
encounter near the village of Vinya Nyaza, which 
might easily have been fatal, but was turned into a 
victory by the timely arrival of the land wing. 
The Shensis took to flight, and in piirsuing them 
thirty-eight canoes, mostly quite good ones, were 

On December 22 formal peace was concluded, 
and the long-desired blood-brotherhood accom- 
plished. The Shensis received back twenty-five 
boats ; the remainder were retained as a suitable 


indemnity. Stanley was now sufficiently provided 
with boats to dispense with further help from 
Tippoo Tib. They agreed to part here, somewhat 
above the mouth of the Kasuku. 

As to the manner of their agreement the accotints 
again differ fundamentally. Stanley declares that 
Tippoo Tib expressed to him so categorically his 
intention of turning back at this point that he 
abandoned all attempts at talking him over, although, 
according to the last compact, the Arab chief was 
still bound for eight days' march. 

The latter, on the contrary, asserts that Stanley, 
after thanking him heartily for the support so far 
accorded him, himseK suggested his return, as he 
had boats enough to proceed alone. iVll he had 
stipulated with him was that Tippoo Tib should steal 
two larger boats, in which he could conveniently 
ship his riding asses ; and this coup they had 
carried out together with great success. 

On one point the two narrators agree — that the 
condition was made that Tippoo Tib should exert 
his influence to induce Stanley's men under all 
circumstances to continue the march. Stanley is 
silent as to hoAv this influence ^vas brought to bear, 
while our autobiographer gives the following 
dehghtful description : 

' Hereupon Stanley summoned his men and said 
to them : " Hamed bin Muharamed will turn back at 
this point. But do you make ready. The day after 
to-morrow we shall start." Then the men answered 
him : "If Hamed bin Muhannned turns back, we 
shall all turn back. We are not going into un- 
known regions. We engaged on the coast for two 
years, and now it is two years and a half. If Hamed 


bin Muhammed turns back, we sball certainly turn 
back too." And all the men persisted obstinately 
that tbey would not go further. Then Stanley 
became very mournful ; even his food was no longer 
tasteful to him, and he was on the point of weeping. 

' In the evening he came to me and said : " My 
whole labour is lost if these men turn back. Then 
I too must turn back, and my toil has been in vain, 
Help me now, I implore you." I said to him : " God 
willing, I will help you under all circumstances !" 

' I lay down to sleep, and next morning visited 
him and asked : " What have you decided ?" He 
replied : " I have decided nothing, and I don't know 
what I am to do." Then I said to him : " Well now, 
follow my advice. Assemble all your people, then 
call me and speak to me with harsh words, and say : 
" n you go back all my people will turn back. They 
cannot do otherwise. Now, my work is for the State, 
and that is no other than Seyyid Burghash. If my 
people turn back, I must turn back too. Then I 
shall tell the Sultan that it was Hamed bin 
Muhammed who made my further journey im- 
possible. Then the State will confiscate your goods. 
When you have said that it is well, then I shall 
speak." Then I went away. 

' In the afternoon he sent for me and called 
together his people, and spoke to me in presence of 
his men in harsh words, as I had prompted him. 
Thereupon I said to them : "You have heard Stanley's 
words ; now get you on your way and depart. "Who- 
ever follows me I will kill ; for you would plunge 
me in ruin and my property would be confiscated by 
the Government. Then I should be as good as 


dead. My toil during many years would be in vain. 
Should I not certainly perish, here ? If you follow 
me, I will kill you." Thereupon I withdrew and 
they went their way. 

' Towards evening came Stanley's people, and 
their leaders said to me : " Our time Avith this 
European is over ; we positively must turn back." 
I said to them : " Your words are idle — march on." 
Then said they : " Do you wish us to perish ?" I 
answered them : " As it is with him so it wiU be with 
you. If you are lost you wiU be lost together." Then 
they said : " This European is a churl. He gives 
us nothing without putting it down — not even 
clothes does he give us ; not a single loin-cloth does 
he give." I said to them : " Let that be my care. I 
will give you as much as you want. Only go on." 
Then they answered me : " What, then, are we to 
do ? We are now afraid of you, because of the 
words you have spoken. But with this European 
we have nothing to do. Our time was up more than 
six months ago." But I said to them : " Your 
words are idle. Do as I tell you." ' 

Then, according to Tippoo Tib's autobiography, 
Stanley at his instance gave his men nine loads 
of garments, and thus won them, by gentle com- 
pulsion, to accompany him further. 

Although Stanley leaves these small details 
unmentioned, he describes all the more minutely 
the rewards which he bestowed on Tippoo Tib and 
his men. Thus our hero received a voucher for 
2,600 dollars, a riding ass, a chest, a gold chain, a 
revolver, ammunition, and great store of beads, 
copper wire, and clothes. His followers, according 


to their rank, received from 1 to 20 dotis of material 
for clothing. 

Tippoo Tib in his autobiography says not a 
word of these presents of Stanley's, though he 
admitted to the author verbally that he received a 
draft for money, but the amount was not communi- 
cated to him, and as he cannot read English he 
could not learn what it was. He sent the cheque 
to his business friend Taria Topan to be cashed, and 
was highly astonished to receive only 2,000 — 
3,000 dollars on it, instead of the expected 7,000. 
He disputes having received the presents enume- 
rated by Stanley ; only as regards the donkey, he 
does admit that he received two. Stanley had, 
it seems, four riding asses, of which he took the 
two best with him. He could not ship the other 
two, and so gave them away. The stuffs that 
Stanley entunerates as presented to him and his 
men were really so given, but were not gratuitous. 
They represented the payment of the keep, which, 
according to compact, Stanley was to supply for the 
return of the escort. But he had indeed made him 
lying promises, and said : 

' I do not know how I can possibly repay your 
goodness, nor do I know what I am to give you 
in money. For when I return to Europe I shall 
receive high honours and mixch money. I will 
present you with a watch worth 1,000 doUars, 
with diamonds, and how much money I shall give 
you I cannot reckon.' 

Finally Stanley begged him to wait for a month 
where he was, to be at hand with help in case he 
should be forced to turn back. 

CHEISTMAS, 1876 127 

The last two days chanced to be Christmastide, 
and were devoted to harmless amusements, so as to 
distract Stanley's band from the feelings incident to 
parting, and drive away the cares arising from an 
uncertain future. The captured canoes received 
the proud titles of English war-ships, and raced 
against each other, the winning crew receiving 
prizes. Foot races also were held, and even the 
stately Tippoo Tib did not disdain to take part in the 
sport. The village street, 300 yards in length, was 
made into a course, on which the Arab chieftain and 
Frank the servant tested their swiftness of foot. 
Tippoo Tib was first at the winning-post with a lead 
of 15 yards, and received a prize of a silver drinking- 
cup. Races between lads, and even dusky ladies, 
formed further items in the enlivening programme. 
A war-dance by the Wanyamwezi, whose deep- 
toned drums and shrill fifes sent a strange 
Christmas music into the stillness of the primeval 
forest, wound up the festal day. 

On the second day of holiday-making Tippoo 
Tib gave a banquet to the whole caravan. 

The rice and roast mutton were freely washed 
doAvn with pahn wine, in the forbidden fire of which 
the last cares for the future were drowned. 

On December 27, 1876, Stanley with his follow- 
ing began the further march into the unknown, and 
at the beginning of August, 1877, reached the West 
Coast. The principal result of his crossing of 
Africa, rich as it was in other respects, was that it 
decided beyond dispute the question of the soiirce of 
the Congo. 



' I had no more than this staff when I passed over this 
Jordan ; and now I am two hosts.' — Gen. xxxii. 10. 

Tippoo Tib waited for a montli, according to his 
promise, at tlie place where Stanley had parted with 
him, and then marched to the lower Lomami, where 
he found very advantageous trading conditions. 

The natives of those parts had, indeed, no concep- 
tion that ivory was an object of value. They hunted 
elephants, it is true, but only for the sake of their 
flesh ; the tusks were for the most part heedlessly 
thrown away into the bush, where they rotted or 
were devoured by insects. Here and there the 
Shensis took them, and turned them to strange uses 
in the Arillages. Artists who had a glimmering of 
the high value of this important product fashioned 
flutes and household utensils out of it ; ivory mortars 
were common, in which bananas, a leading article of 
food of these tribes, were mashed up. It was also a 
favourite plan to plant the tusks in the ground as a 
fence round the homestead. One can fancy how the 
Arabs' hearts beat high when they passed such a 
precious fencing. 

As an equivalent for the ivory, copper was given, 



which Tippoo Tib had acquired by barter at 
Utetera. He had bought 5 frasilas of that metal 
there for a frasila of beads. Half a frasila he had 
presented to Stanley at parting ; for the remainder he 
now obtained 200 frasilas of ivory. A frasila of 
beads cost at the time he purchased it in Zanzibar 
3 dollars, while he could sell that Aveight of ivory 
for at least 50 dollars. So his 3 dollars had turned 
into 10,000. 

The departure entailed many fresh combats, and 
the caravan had often to suffer from the poisoned 
arrows of the Shensis, although there were not so 
many fatal wounds as before, for the men had 
learned from Stanley that the wounds must be at 
once cauterized to avoid the effect of the poison. 

Only when the camp was pitched in the immediate 
neighbourhood of the river had they any peace, for 
the dwellers on the banks had a lively recollection 
of the former encounters, and fled hastily to the 
islands when the travellers came near. 

At Kassongo Tippoo Tib found the situation most 
favourable, and, what was most important for him, 
the tribtites of ivory from the conquered districts 
had flowed in abundantly. By his subjects he was 
received vdth jubilation ; they had been distressed 
at his lengthy absence, and now the news spread 
like wild-fire through his whole domain that he had 
come back safe and sound. 

As to the two next years, he has not much to 
record : they went by monotonously with expeditions 
— some peaceful, some warlike — in the country. He 
appointed his cousin Muhammed bin Said, who had 
grown tired of the nomad life, regent in Utetera, 



where lie was so much, at ease that he could not 
wish for anything better ; ' for the Shensis of those 
regions are good-hearted, the women are fair, and 
the country is fruitful.' 

In the middle of 1879 our hero was again re- 
minded of his home by messengers from Zanzibar. 
Sultan Burghash sent him by letter a summons 
to return at once, as his banker, Taria Topan, 
wished to settle accounts with him. The two years 
for which the advances were made had by now 
grown to twelve, and his business friend must" be 
kept waiting no longer. 

In order to give this missive, which was couched 
in very friendly terms, quite an of&cial character, 
the Sultan sent with it a valuable present — a modern 
repeating rifle. The gift was all the more flattering 
as Tippoo Tib had not as yet had the honour of 
making the giver's acquaintance. Taria, who also 
gave him a rifle, wrote in the same strain as the 
Sultan, and added the news that Stanley had some 
time before (November 26, 1877) returned to Zanzi- 
bar, and had said a great deal about his friend Tippoo 
Tib. There was a letter from him, too, and in it, as 
a valuable remembrance, Stanley's photograph. At 
the sight of it our chronicler could not restrain a 
mocking laugh. 

If there is anything for which the Arab or Swahili 
has by nature no appreciation, it is photographs. If 
his sight has not been trained by repeated trials to 
do so, he is quite unable to distinguish the person 
represented, however well known to him. Now that 
modern civilization has, among other important 
necessaries, introduced half a dozen photographers 


into the country, every native can acquire this 
faculty by staring at show-cases, and he even thinks 
it well worth while, if he can muster up the cost, to 
rescue his more or less handsome features from 
oblivion by having them imprinted on the dark 
plate. But that Tippoo Tib, who in a rough nomad 
existence of twelve years had become a stranger 
even to the modest luxury of Zanzibar, should have 
the very slightest appreciation for the delicate atten- 
tion of his Western friend, no sensible man could 

So he only felt surprised, and supposed when 
Stanley got home he would discharge the re- 
mainder of his debt and send the valuable presents 

After Tippoo Tib had received these messages 
he needed a whole year to settle all his affairs in 
the country. As he expected to be away for a long 
time, he had to take care to fill the important posts 
with trustworthy men who combined prudence and 
energy with good will, and thus could well watch 
over his interests. In particular Nyongo Luteta, 
to whom he entrusted his affairs in Utetera, proved 
himself a very useful representative. 

At last he set out, in company with his cousin 
Bwana Nzige. Large as was the host of carriers he 
took with him, it was not sufficient for the rapid 
transport of the boundless stores of ivory which he 
had been gathering together for years. Hence the 
following order of march was adopted : Tippoo Tib 
went on ahead with the body of carriers, who took 
with them as many loads as they could possibly 
manage. After four hours' march he pitched his 



camp and sent the carriers back to his cousin, who 
remained behind with the iinconveyed ivory. When 
the remainder reached Tippoo Tib's camp next morn- 
ing, he proceeded further in the same manner. As 
the distance had thus to be traversed by the carriers 
three times, of course much time was lost, and the 
march from Utetera to Tanganyika, which without 
burdens can at a pinch be made in a month, 
occupied half a year. 

Lake Tanganyika had been since the far-off time 
when our traveller had last crossed it the goal of 
many African explorers, and had by their zeal been 
brought to the closer knowledge of the West. In 
February, 1858, the English travellers Speke and 
Burton were the first Europeans to sight the great 
inland sea ; but the first Westerners to navigate it 
were Stanley and Livingstone, in 1872, after the 
successful search for the latter in the interior of the 
Dark Continent. Four years later it was systemati- 
cally circumnavigated by Stanley in the course of 
the crossing of Africa which we have described. 
Much had also been contributed to the exploration 
of the great sheet of water in 1873 by Cameron, and 
later on, between 1878 and 1880, by the travellers 
Hore, Thomson and Cambier, Bohm and Reichhardt. 

Tippoo Tib struck the lake at the port of Mtoa, 
which was known to him of old and used by all the 
caravans that trafficked with the West. By the 
busy stir which he found here he could judge how 
long he had been a stranger to the Eastern world. 
Where formerly only primitive dug-outs rocked on 
the waves, stately vessels, such as are to be seen in 
the Indian Ocean, now proudly spread their sails 


to the wind. Even some representatives of the 
Western lands, where thirty years before the very 
existence of the inland sea had been a fable, had 
established a permanent camp here in the heart of 
the Dark Continent. Close beside the Arab town 
from which the caravans started for the West on 
their man-destroying traffic, the English mission- 
station of Plymouth Rock looked out on the country 
from a low hiU, Hke a bulwark of peace and herald 
of a new civilization. The manager of the station, 
Mr. Griffith, gave a friendly greeting to the Arab 
prince, who was probably well known to him by the 
accounts of returning caravans. 

On the eastern shore, opposite Mtoa, and in good 
weather only one day's sail from it, lies the well- 
known Arab town of Ujiji. Here it was, as we have 
already seen, that on November 10, 1871, Stanley 
found Livingstone. He describes the Arab settle- 
ment as a flourishing commercial town, in the much- 
frequented market of which the tribes of the 
whole interior of Africa fixed their rendezvous. 
Wissmann, who in 1882 passed through it soon 
after our traveller, found that the town had fallen 
off greatly since Stanley's visit. Many houses stood 
empty, and their state of disrepair proclaimed that 
they had long been uninhabited. The population 
was composed partly of Arabs, with their numer- 
ous slaves, partly of free natives of the country. 
The Wajiji were exceedingly skilful navigators, 
and as such were much employed by the Arabs. 

Though the latter formed the ruling class, the 
real autocrat of the town was a Swahili named 
Mwinyi Heri. He had been appointed governor by 


Seyyid Burghasli, and, as the symbol of his power, 
proudly hoisted over his hut the red flag of the 

Ujiji was, however, still an important entrepSt, 
where the products of the country were daily dis- 
played for sale in large quantities, beside the wares 
of their native Zanzibar - — fish, fruit, salt, butter, 
honey, slaves, ivory and cattle on the one side ; on 
the other, samples of the wares that were brought 
by European ships to the shops of the Indians of 
Zanzibar. Glass beads, red or blue, were in use as 
payment for the humbler articles. 

As a port Ujiji was not well chosen, as the shore 
is flat and unprotected, so that vessels have con- 
stantly to be drawn high and dry. At Wissmann's 
coming some forty dhows lay in the roadstead — a 
nmnber never reached at a single port on the coast 
of German East Africa. 

Tippoo Tib halted for the present at Mtoa, but 
sent his cousin on to greet the Arabs living at 
Ujiji, to obtain water carriage, and to inquire into 
the possibility of continuing the march to Tabora. 
The coimtry was, it must be said, in the highest 
degree unsafe for caravans, for a powerful native 
prince named Mirambo had for many years carried 
on a war of extermination with the Arabs. 

We will pause for a moment to consider this 
interesting personality. 

Mirambo was born about 1830 in Unyamwezi, 
where his grandfather, Mvura, was set up as Sultan 
of the small and poor district of Ugoa by Tippoo 
Tib's grandfather, Juma bin Rajab. After Mvura's 
death an uncle of Mirambo's succeeded to the 


sultanate, while lie himseK was left to earn his 
living unaided ; and in spite of his high family 
connections he adopted, like most of his com- 
patriots, the calling, more lucrative than princely, 
of a mpagasi (carrier). 

On the death of his imcle he became Sultan. 
He soon extended widely the borders of his hitherto 
insignificant dominion. With the help of the free- 
booting Wangoni he first conquered the neighbour- 
ing country of Uriankuru, which, together with 
Ujoa, he united in the sultanate called after him 
Urambo. By the plundering of many Arab caravans 
numerous rifles fell into his hands, with the aid of 
which he extended his influence westward almost to 
Tanganyika, northwards to the Victoria Nyanza, 
and southwards to the sixth degree of latitude. 
His successes made siich an impression that super- 
natural powers were everywhere attributed to him. 
It was said that he could fly, was invulnerable, and 
needed no sleep. 

With the Arabs of Tabora he was at first on 
fairly peaceable terms. They reluctantly paid the 
hongo imposed on their caravans, and did not ven- 
ture in their constant state of disunion to attempt 
anything against so dangerous a chieftain. At last, 
however, his encroachments seem to have grown 
excessive, and in the sunnner of 1871 it came to 
a sanguinary encounter between the two parties. 
Stanley* was just at that time the guest of the 
Arabs at Tabora, and took part in the conflict. 
He assigns as the cause of the war that Mirambo 
had demanded of a caravan marching to Ujiji 
* Cf. 'How I found Livingstone,' chap. viii. 


an exceptionally high toll, and because difficulties 
were made about the payment, which was, however, 
at last made, he forbade all Safaris whatever to pass 
through his territories for the futxire. Tippoo Tib 
declares that the quarrel broke out because Mirambo 
refused to hand over 200 slaves of the Arabs who 
had fled to his country. 

At any rate, when Stanley arrived at Tabora the 
fury of the Arabs was boundless. The general 
anger was especially fanned by Khamis bin Ab- 
dullah el Barwani, an influential man who, in the 
course of long journeys, had grown used to bloody 
conflicts, and regarded it as a disgrace that his 
fellow-tribesmen there, among whom he had for 
some time made his home, allowed themselves to 
be so terrorized by a mere unbeliever. 

After long dehberation, a force of 2,255 men, 
with 1,500 muskets, took the field against Mirambo 
in the beginning of August, confident of victory. At 
the end of a week they returned to Tabora in wild 
flight. Mirambo had fallen on one of the divisions 
marching against him on the frontier of Uriankuru 
in the high grass, and destroyed it almost to a man. 
At the news of this disaster the remaining heroes 
also turned tail. 

On the 22nd of the month Mirambo appeared in 
person before Tabora. Khamis bin Abdullah, the 
one brave man among the Arabs, went out against 
him ; but his little force was surrounded by the 
superior forces of the savages and annihilated. 
Mirambo then stormed some of the less well 
fortified tembes, burned down several houses, and 
looted a quantity of cattle and 200 elephant's 


tusks. Then lie returned, well satisfied, to liis own 

Since that time a regular guerilla warfare had 
been carried on between Mirambo and the Arabs. 
They had done each other as much damage as 
possible by plundering, as occasion presented itself ; 
but the Arabs suffered the most, as their caravans 
could only get to the lake in fear and trembling by 
secret paths. 

At the end of a fortnight Bwana Nzige returned 
with the news that the road to Tabora was difficult 
of passage owing to the enmity with Mirambo ; but 
his compatriots at Ujiji begged Tippoo Tib to 
come to them as soon as possible, to talk over in 
person the details of the further march. Tippoo 
Tib determined to venture on the journey at all 
hazards. He intended to leave behind the greater 
portion of his ivory and take with him principally 
armed men, under whose protection he hoped to 
convey safely some 100 frasilas. From Tabora 
he would then send fresh armed bands to Ujiji to 
fetch the ivory left behind without risk. 

At Ujiji he had intended to stay with the 
Vali, Mvnnyi Heri ; but an Arab named Mu- 
hanuned bin Khalfan invited him to come to him, 
and Tippoo Tib, after assuring himself that the 
chief ofl&cial of the town would not take it ill, 
accepted the invitation. This meeting with his as 
yet unknown compatriot was destined to have 
disastrous results to our hero, as the subsequent 
history will show. Rimialisa — such is the widely 
familiar sobriquet of his new friend — robbed Tippoo 
Tib of a large portion of his fortune. 


Soon after tlie arrival at Ujiji fresh inteUigecce 
came from Tabora to the effect that the road was 
now quiet. Tippoo Tib thereupon altered his plan 
so as to take the whole of the ivory with him, and 
make for his father's town by the nearest way, vii 
Ruanda and Uvinza. He was joined by the Arab 
Salum bin Abdullah el Marhubi, who had been 
appointed by the Sultan administrator of the in- 
heritance of Said bin Ali, who had died at Kassongo, 
and accordingly the far from inconsiderable stores 
of ivory of his friend had been handed over to him 
at Ujiji. Less than a day's march from that place 
our travellers found themselves already exposed to 
various hostilities on the part of the Waruanda. 
Salum, who had lagged somewhat behind with his 
men, was surprised by the Shensis and completely 
stripped. He with difficulty saved his bare life, and 
reached the camp late in the evening, in rags and 
bespattered with filth. Two of Tippoo Tib's men, 
who had ventured some way from the camp to fetch 
wood, were also killed. Next morning the natives 
ventured an open attack, but were repulsed. 

Then Tippoo Tib assmned the offensive. He 
constructed an entrenched camp, from which he 
made raids into the surrounding country. The 
very first day he had asked support of his country- 
men at Ujiji, which soon arrived. With their 
assistance the whole country was soon devastated, 
and made so subject to the control of our hero that 
he was able to regard himself as at home and send 
for the whole of his ivory. After the lapse of some 
months his eldest son, Sef, visited him. He had 
been left behind as a small boy at Zanzibar, where 


lie was brought up. Now he was eighteen years 
old, and had joined some business friends of his 
father's — the Arabs Salum bin Omar el Wardi and 
Said bin Habib el Afifi^ — on their first trading trip 
into the interior. He brought a great number of 
Wanyamwezi with him, who were very welcome to 
Tippoo Tib as carriers and enabled him to convey a 
large portion of his ivory. 

His fellow-tribesmen at Ujiji viewed his depar- 
ture with regret. They had taken a deh'ght in 
the expeditions under Tippoo Tib's ever- victorious 
leadership, and were afraid that without the prestige 
of his dreaded name they would not be a match 
for the numerous Shensis. At their request he left 
them 140 guns, with the corresponding number of 
warriors, by means of whom Rumalisa and Mwinyi 
Heri reckoned on holding in awe Ruanda and 
Uvinza. Tippoo Tib, however, did this unwillingly, 
and seems not to have approved of the plans for 
further fighting. ' These people must always be 
making war,' he writes in reprobation. 

His way through Uvinza was not a path of roses. 
The ruler there was the powerful Sultan Kasanura, 
who exacted heavy tolls from travellers. Besides, 
he carried off all the slaves he could lay hand on, 
and carriers who ventured away from the camp 
were inexorably killed. 

Our hero would gladly have had recourse to 
arms in face of these outrages, but prudence 
restrained him, as he had a large train of carriers 
and but few fighting men, and defeat would have 
been likely and the loss of ivory irreparable. 
Postponing his plans of revenge to a future date, he 

140 TIPPOO TIB up with all these arbitrary acts, and at length, 
though heavily fleeced, reached Tabora in safety. 

He halted at Itura, his wonted quarters. There, 
after long years, he saw his old father once more, 
and his step-brother, Muhammed bin Masud, hap- 
pened to be there also. ' The dancing, the killing 
of cattle, and the feasting lasted a fortnight. The 
merriment was extraordinary. 

From Tabora Tippoo Tib at once placed himself 
in communication again with the Sultan and his 
banker. In order to enable him to provide for the 
safe transport of his unconveyed ivory, he begged 
the former to send him a large quantity of powder. 
The answer came by return that the Sultan had 
pleasure in presenting him with twenty hundred- 
weight, which would reach him through the agency 
of Taria Topan. 

As our hero, delighted at this prospect, was just 
about to return to Tanganyika, there came an 
embassy from the dreaded Mirambo to old 
Muhammed bin Juma with offers of peace. He 
appealed to the fact that there had never been 
enmity between them. On the contrary, since the 
time of their fathers they had been united in the 
bonds of friendship. He, Mirambo, respected 
Muhammed as a father, as he had shown often 
enough. He had always given Muhammed credit 
for equally friendly sentiments, though he naturally 
could not give expression to them out of regard for 
the other Arabs, Mirambo's sworn enemies. Now 
he had heard that the son of his friend had 
difficulties with regard to the ivory left behind on 
Tanganyika. He, Mirambo, would certainly put no 


hindrances in his way, and begged him to pass 
through his territory without fear. He was delighted 
to make the acquaintance of the far-travelled caravan 

Tippoo Tib eagerly took advantage of this 
favourable disposition, and sent off messengers at 
once to assure Mirambo of his friendship. On 
reaching his town, however, they did not find the 
chief himself there — he had just started on a fresh 
expedition against the Sultan of Tabora. His brother, 
Mpanda Sharo, who had remained behind, received 
the envoys with all honour, and dismissed them with 
valuable presents. 

The news that Mirambo was again on the warpath 
soon reached the Arabs at Tabora, but they did not 
know against whom he was marching, and racked 
their brains as to the object of his new hostiHties. 

Tippoo Tib meanwhile had departed westwards. 
On the frontier of the Tabora territory messengers 
fi'om his compatriots reached him warning him to 
go no further, as he might any moment happen upon 
Mirambo's bands. It was the ninth of the month 
El Hadj, the eve of the great Arab feast, which he, 
like all his countrymen, was in the habit of 
celebrating with great scrupulosity even in the most 
difiicult situations. He replied quite calmly : 

' To-day is the ninth of the month ; to-morrow is 
the tenth of the month El Hadj. As soon as the 
feast has been kept I shall set out, and all things 
are in the hand of God, the Lord of Might. I 
cannot stay. It would cost me much money, and 
the carriers would also make difiiculties for me, in 
order to get home again.' 


In accordance with this programme, he started 
off after the feast, and encamped near the sources of 
the Wataturu, one of the few watering-places on 
this route, visited by every traveller. Here people 
were wont to provide themselves with the precious 
fluid sufiiciently for the next few days, which led 
through districts where water was scarce. In the 
night a heavy torrent of rain broke over them quite 
unexpectedly, as it was the dry season. All the 
guns were wet, and there was reason to fear 
that the powder in them had become useless, so it 
was proposed to discharge them all and load afresh. 

A tremendous volley rang out from 500 muskets, 
which thundered far and wide through the wilder- 
ness, and was heard by Mirambo's men, who were 
just marching towards the celebrated watering- 
place. He was returning from a successful 
expedition, and had no idea that Tippoo Tib was 
near at hand. Nevertheless, he called out at once 
when he heard the thunder of innumerable guns : 
' That miist be Plamed bin Muhammed. No one 
can shoot like him.' In the hope that Tippoo Tib's 
route would lead him past his camping-place, he 
remained there a day longer. 

Tippoo Tib, however, had as yet no news of the 
peaceful result of his mission, and therefore thought 
it more advisable to avoid for the present a meeting 
with the powerful chief. Continuing his march at 
greater speed, he came on many traces of Mirambo's 
column, and was therefore forced to take special 
precautions in advancing. Suddenly a fusillade 
was heard from tbe rear-guard. Two men were hit 
by bullets, and in the general confusion various 


loads went astray. As it turned out later, this 
was not a deliberate attack by Mirambo, but some 
of his men who had left the column to plunder had 
made a marauding attack on their own account, 
without knowing that the object of it was their 
master's friend Tippoo Tib. 

After a few further marches Tippoo Tib reached 
Uvinza, where he now intended to take his revenge 
for the injury done him when marching through. 
He had beforehand warned Rumalisa to be ready to 
support him. How he settled accounts with his 
old enemy Kasanura we can learn best from his 
own narrative : 

' We determined to declare war and smite the 
Sultan of Uvinza, Kasanura. He had settled on a 
river. There are five or six ditches there — half on 
one side and the other half on the other. His town 
is laid out exactly in the middle. It was strongly 
fortified and surrounded by a moat. Behind the 
first entrenchment a second was built, and inside 
long tree-tnmks were planted. The intervening 
space between the entrenchments was filled up with 
sand, so that no bullets could penetrate. Towers with 
loopholes were also built. There was no point open 
to attack. But we did not know that the city was like 
that, and sent out men to attack it. They marched 
there, and passed the first and the second and the 
third ditch. The water rose to their belts or a 
trifle higher. When they advanced towards the 
homa the Wavinza in it remained quiet, but when 
they came quite near they were fired on with small 
shot, and the enemy sallied out and they were driven 
back, and many were killed. We asked those that 


came back : " How are things there?" They replied : 
" We have come back again, though you could 
hardly have hoped for it. The rest have all fallen." 
They came back in twos and threes, and by the even- 
ing forty-six men were missing who had fallen. 
Their guns were lost, and some even that escaped 
had thrown theirs away, to the number of thirty. 

' We waited two days, and on the third I deter- 
mined to start — ourselves, and our belongings, and 
our wives. We marched as far as the river and 
there pitched our tents. Next morning we passed 
the ditches, and they sallied out, and it came to a 
fui'ious encounter between us, and they fell back to 
their fastness. Next day we crossed with our packs 
and our followers, and traversed all three ditches. 
Then we pitched our tents, but our camp 
had no entrenchment. They sallied out several 
times, but we drove them back, and they fled to 
their homa. Each time several men fell, both on 
their side and on our side. So we remained for 
several days, but their boma was not to be got at on 
account of its many defences. 

' And they sent out men secretly to beg support 
of Mirambo, but he refused, saying : " Hamed bin 
Muhammed is my friend. I cannot help you." And 
he informed me of this. So a month and a half 
passed by, and the struggle became still more furious, 
but there was no getting at their homa. Muhammed 
bin Khalfan said to me : " Shall we not go into 
the moat and fight with them ?" I answered him : 
" You understand nothing of war. You have never 
fought. He who goes into the moat does not come 
out again. It becomes his grave, and the attack is 


foiled." And I had a number of workmen witli me 
- — carpenters — to whom I said : " Make planks ready 
for me, but they must be of heavy wood." They 
went away and sent across ten boats, which were 
very large and of heavy timber. They dragged 
them to the spot and broke them up. So we got 
long planks. These planks we nailed together and 
made wheels underneath. Then we took this 
framework to the ditch and set up other planks on 
the top, so that those in the towers shoiild not see 
the men inside the structure, and when they fired 
the bullets would only penetrate the wood a little 
way, biit no men would be hurt. And we felled 
trees also to strengthen the structure. When we 
had done we went inside — we and the best of our 
slaves. While we were inside the men dragged the 
machine forwards, for it went on wheels. We had 
made loopholes in it also. The enemy came out and 
endeavoured to get at us, but could not. So at 
last we came down into the moat. Then tree-trunks 
were brought to build the homa still higher. The 
structure stood firm, and we worked till late in the 
night. When we were higher than their homa, no 
one could leave their homa any more. And inside 
the houses were built of grass. We set them alight 
during the night, and the people fled out of the 
to^vn, and many were killed and some taken 
prisoners, and we set up another Sultan.' 

Tippoo Tib's delight at this victory was damped 
by the news that his old father had died at Tabora. 
At the same time, however, came from there the 
cheering intelligence that the powder presented 
by Seyyid Burghash had arrived meanwhile, and 



had already been sent on by Msabbah bin Niem, the 
newly-appointed Vali of the Tanganyika district. 
Thus Tippoo Tib found himself in a position to 
take with him all the ivory left behind on the lake 
within a measurable space of time. 

At XJjiji he parted company with his old travel- 
ling companion, Muhammed bin Said. The latter 
felt a longing to return to the flesh-pots of Man- 
yema, and our hero was not sorry to hand over 
to him his affairs in that country. He sent to all his 
subordinates letters instructing them for the future to 
acknowledge Bwana Nzige as their master, and giA^e 
lip all the ivory to him. Yet he made the stipula- 
tion that his friend before departing should await the 
arrival of the ammunition expected from Tabora. 

When he himself was aboiit to quit Ujiji, 
Rumalisa earnestly begged him to take him with 
him. In spite of his many raids in Uvinza, he had 
'gathered no moss'; on the contrary, he had run 
through the whole of a fortune entrusted to him by 
his kinsman Juma bin Abdallah. The latter, a 
friend of oiir traveller, had already several times 
requested him by letter to send him back either his 
property or Rumalisa's person. 

Out of consideration for his cheated friend on the 
one hand, and on the other out of pity for Rumalisa's 
helplessness, Tippoo Tib allowed himself to be per- 
suaded to take him with him to the coast at his 

Many other Arabs had joined the caravan, which 
marched unmolested through the now subject Uvinza. 
Things did not go so well when they reached the 
neighbourhood of Usoki, where the old dread of 


Mirambo awoke in tlie Arabs once more. For years 
it had become a recognised thing that caravans no 
longer took the ordinary route throiigh inhabited 
localities, but made their way through the desert 
by secret tracks, known only to the initiated. A 
special reputation as guide was enjoyed by a Mnwa- 
mwezi named Katutuvira. He knew every water- 
hole in the wilderness, and earned good money by 
guiding trading parties that were seeking to avoid 

But although our travellers had secured the 
much- sought -for pathfinder, they ran straight 
into Mirambo's arms. Some careless carriers had 
strayed, as usual, from the watering-place, which 
was reached at noon. In their endeavours to find 
honey in the bush, they ventured somewhat further 
from the camp than was advisable, and suddenly 
found themselves in face of the advance-guard of 
a force of the dreaded chief. Four were taken 
prisoners, and the rest fled back to the camp with the 
terrible news ' Mirambo is coming.' All preparations 
for defence were speedily made, but scarcely had 
they begun to drag thorn-bushes to the spot for 
a zareba, when the captives returned in good case 
and reported that they had parted on the best of 
terms from Mirambo's warriors. When these learned 
that they belonged to Tippoo Tib, they at once 
treated them as friends, and told them their master 
had strictly forbidden them to harm him or his men. 
Soon after envoys came from Mirambo and exchanged 
greetings and presents with the Arabs. Next morn- 
ing Tippoo Tib saw the whole train pass ; it was an 
imposing force on its return from a successful raid. 



Without further adventure the traveller reached 
Tabora, vrhere unhappily he did not find his aged 
father living. His stepmother, Nyaso, however, 
received him with all honour, and he, too, showed 
her all the respect due to the wife of his deceased sire. 
Not long before his death the latter had laid her 
tenderly on Tippoo Tib's breast with the touching 
words : ' Man knows not the hour of his death. If I 
die, look to thy mother, Nyaso, daughter of Fundi 
Kira, and that with both eyes, if thou wishest that I 
should be satisfied with thee.' And he had replied : 
' If God will, she shall be even better off than in thy 

Muhammed bin Masud had meanwhile made him- 
self useful by conveying all the ivory stored at 
Tabora to the coast. So there remained to be 
transported only what had just been brought from 
Tanganyika. As it was just the season for tilling 
the fields, and carriers were not to be had, Tippoo 
Tib determined for the present to proceed without 
loads and leave the care of the ivory to his brother. 

His plans, however, were crossed by a fresh 
invitation from Mirambo. Either he was to come 
himself or send his son Sef on a visit. Tippoo Tib 
determined on the latter, but encountered resistance 
from the Arabs at Tabora. They did not believe in 
the peaceful intentions of their old enemy, and 
prophesied that Sef would certainly be mtirdered. 
Tippo Tib answered them in his superior way : 
' Then it does not matter.' 

He had just then a large caravan ready to proceed 
to Ujiji. He now caused it to take the road to 
Urambo, and young Sef, richly provided with 


presents for the chief, joined it. His reception at 
Mirambo's town was, if we may believe the auto- 
biography, a most brilliant one. 

The Arabs were furious that Tippoo Tib was so 
fi-iendly towards their enemy. They were animated 
by a blind hatred against Mirambo, who had 
done them many an evil turn, and although 
peaceful intercourse would have been to their 
interest, they wotJd not hear of a compromise with 
the insolent unbeliever. While they, like their 
fathers and brothers, had for years risked life and 
property in their feud with him, Tippoo Tib had 
been attending to his selfish interests in Manyema. 
He knew nothing of the righteous hatred which the 
loss of kinsmen who had fallen in war, the pkuider- 
ing of rich convoys, and the murder of numberless 
slaves, had nourished in their hearts. Just because 
it suited him they were to forego their most preciotis 
prize— revenge ! Well, they were much obliged for 
the offer of a peace which they did not want, and 
they recoiled from no means of ruining the prospects 
of conciliation. 

After having tried in vain to hold Sef and his 
people back from the trip by gloomy prognostica- 
tions, they devised a frightful snare to entice him 
and his caravan to destruction. 

They sent ten Wauyamwezi disguised as men of 
the coast to Mirambo, informing him that Seyyid 
Burghash had sent a great army from the coast to 
the support of the Arabs, and would shortly attack 
him with superior numbers ; they, the ten men, 
had escaped on the road to give him timely warning. 
Their whole bearing and dress were calculated 


to obtain credence. ' They looked like people who 
had come from a journey.' 

The Arabs had hoped that Mirambo, as soon as he 
received this news, would at once seize young Sef, 
and if he did not kill him, at least keep him so long 
as a hostage that a subsequent reconciliation would 
be impossible. But he did not allow himself to be 
taken in so easily. He told Tippoo Tib's son 
what had been secretly alleged, but added that he 
did not believe the story. Far from doing his 
guests any harm, all he thought of was that no 
unpleasantness should result to them from the 
stories told. He begged Sef to get the other Arabs 
to depart with their caravans, for as soon as the 
story became further known, their Wanyamwezi 
would get frightened and return to Tabora ; then 
they would have no more carriers and M^ould suffer 
great losses. 

The Arabs acted on the suggestion, and Sef too, 
some days later, returned with valuable presents to 
his native town. 

In the days when Sef paid Mirambo this memor- 
able visit, Wissmann, then on his way from the West 
Coast, was also a g-uest of the dreaded chief. He 
depicts'* Mirambo as a man of tall and sinewy 
btiild, placid, attractive features, and gentle speech. 
His exterior and bearing gave no hint that he was 
the hero before whom for ten years past hundreds 
of Arabs and thousands of natives had trembled. 
Mirambo very hospitably offered the German traveller 
entertainment, and showed him with pride his exten- 

* Wissmann, ' Unter deutscher Plagge quer durch Africa,' 
ohap. xiii. (Berlin, 1899). 


sive arsenal, in which many guns, great quantities of 
powder, and innumerable spears, bows, and arrows 
were stored. We also learn from Wissmann the 
date when Sef made his entry — August 31, 1882. 
The European traveller describes Tippoo Tib's son 
as a young man of twenty with a chivalrous bearing. 
His handsome exterior was spoiled by a furtive glance, 
and he certainly afterwards afforded Wissmann 
proofs of a spiteful disposition. Tippoo Tib clung 
with especial affection to tliis his eldest son, and 
never quite got over his early death, of which we 
shall hear later. 

Of the exact circumstances under which Tippoo 
Tib's mission was sent Wissmann gives a some- 
what different account. He says the desire to 
make peace originated with our hero, who, as the 
Uvinza route was made precarious in consequence 
of Mirambo's constant raids, desired to secure a road 
through his territory for his caravans of costly 
goods. He also says that Mirambo posed as a bene- 
factor towards Sef, and received the son of the 
famous traveller poKtely, it is true, but treated him 
throughout as a suppliant. 

It is hardly doing an injustice to the future 
Imperial Commissioner if one ventures to doubt 
whether at that time, when he came from the West as 
a perfect stranger, he had a just appreciation of the 
state of affairs. There is much in favour of Tippoo 
Tib's statement that Mirambo desired peace. He 
had, as Wissmann himself acknowledges, great 
stores of ivory, which he could not turn to accotint 
against the will of the Arabs. Even if he succeeded 
by means of his military superiority in carrying liis 


caravans through, the forbidden region of the Tabora 
people, it was still necessary to convey the ivory 
to the purchaser on the coast. Now, the natural 
ally of the Tabora Arabs was their Sultan at 
Zanzibar. He could at any time lay an embargo on 
the treasures that had safely reached the sea as a 
war indemnity for his subjects, and then all the 
trouble of sending the convoys so far would be 

Wissmann himself mentions later on that 
Mirambo was thoroughly desirous of making peace 
with Seyyid Burghash. And to whom could he 
have applied rather than Tippoo Tib, with whom 
he was connected by family traditions, who cherished 
no personal grudge against him, as he had been 
absent during the principal conflicts, and who, 
having regard to the importance of his caravans, 
could only profit from peaceful relations ? Perhaps 
Wissmann attached too much significance to the 
ofiicial dignity with which the powerful Sultan met 
the young Arab. In any case, it was to the interest 
of both to make peace, and it was only natural that 
both did their best finally to attain it. 

Wissmann also speaks of the legend regarding 
the army supposed to have been sent by Seyyid 
Burghash, though in a somewhat altered form. 

He learned from Sef that his father meant to 
proceed very shortly to Zanzibar. As he had but 
a few men with him, and on the way to Tanganyika 
had learned to his cost to what risks an insufficiently 
protected caravan was exposed, he determined to 
join the Arab chief on his further march to the 


On September 5 he reached Tabora, and drew up 
at the Catholic mission-house, a large tembe with a 
roomy veranda. The year before the White Fathers 
of the Algerian Mission had made their abode here, 
and had already left their mark on the country 

Wissmann here had the opportunity of observing 
that, in contradistinction to the Evangelical missions, 
which chiefly devoted themselves to doctrinal 
efforts, the Catholics attached more importance to 
practical training in civilization. With but narrow 
means at their disposal, they had installed them- 
selves admirably. Gardening, agricidture, and 
cattle-breeding flourished under their guidance. 
He was bidden welcome with the cheering hospi- 
tality usual in the wilds. 

Two days later he paid Tippoo Tib — to whom he 
handed a letter of recommendation from his son — 
a visit in his town of Ituru. He describes him 
graphically as ' a man of about forty-five and quite 
black in complexion, although his father was a pure 
Arab. Somewhat stout, he is yet very quick in his 
movements, graceful and polite, decided in his 
gestures, yet has often, like his son, a touch of 
watchfulness and furtiveness, and seems to be fond 
of mocking.' 

This fondness for mockery, which at once struck 
Wissmann during his short visit, is indeed a 
characteristic of our hero which he retained till 
his old age. The statement that his father was a 
pure Arab is erroneous, as may be remembered 
from the second chapter. 

Wissmann then told him about his journey, 


during whicli he had often come in contact with 
Tippoo Tib's people, and everywhere been well 
treated by them. Then he expressed the wish that 
the sheikh would take him with him to the coast, 
and advance him the articles necessary for the 
journey. Tippoo Tib agreed to this, and Septem- 
ber 27 was fixed as the day for setting out together. 

Well armed as the caravan was, yet it could 
not evade the nimaerous attempts at extortion on 
the part of the natives at Ugogo. There was a 
great drought in the country, and the few water- 
holes were jealously watched, the use of them 
not being conceded until after the payment of a 
considerable hongo. Unluckily also, the small-pox 
broke out in the convoy, claiming several victims 
daily, and forcing its leader to be exceptionally 

Both travellers speak of these mishaps, Tippoo 
Tib using the opportunity to present himself again 
as an angel of unselfishness. He says that the 
Wagogo only meant their demands for hongo for 
the Christian, but that, in order to spare Wiss- 
mann unpleasantness, he paid it all, without parley, 
out of his own pocket. 

After a last wretched march through the cheer- 
less Marenga Mkali, Mpapwa was reached at the 
end of October. Wissmann, who had gone on 
ahead with a small body, got there first, unmolested. 
Tippoo Tib's caravan was surprised on the way by 
robbers, and suffered considerable losses in goods 
and lives. At Mpapwa their ways parted. Wiss- 
mann took the north road by Mamboge, and reached 
the coast near Saadani on November 15. He had 


thus, as he proudly boasts at the ead of his 
book of travels, broiight to a glorious conclusion 
the first crossing of the continent under the Ger- 
man flag. He was, moreover, the first man to make, 
from west to east, the journey already accomplished 
by Cameron and Stanley. And if anything goes to 
justify a biography of Tippoo Tib it may well be the 
fact that he was the faithful g-uide, and had no small 
share in the success of these three pioneers in the 
crossing of Africa. 


' Mene, mene, tekel, upharsin.' — Dan. v. 25. 

Tippoo Tib marclied through Usagara to Bagamoyo, 
where he deposited his loads with the then agent of 
Taria Topan, the Indian Jan Muhammed Hansraj, 
who afterwards attained to wealth and high position 
in Zanzibar. That same day he started in a dhow 
for Zanzibar, and reached his home on the 9th of 
Mohurram, 1300 (November 22, 1882). Although 
he did not land till nearly ten in the evening, he at 
once sought out his creditor, who knew already 
from Rumalisa, who had been sent on before, that 
Tippoo Tib would follow directly. The Indian 
surprised him by the question whether he felt 
inclined to become Vali of Tabora, as the former 
Viceroy, Abdullah bin Nasib, had been recalled. 
Our traveller replied with a smile that he was King 
of a far larger country than the whole of Tabora, 
and was in a position to keep several Valis on his 
own account. Taria answered that Seyyid certainly 
entertained the idea of offering him the post at 
Tabora, and would feel greatly humiliated in his 
pride as Sultan if Tippoo met the offer with a curt 
refusal ; he must at least make, a show of consider- 
ing the proposal. 



Next morning he again called on Taria, and found 
there a Belgian, who proposed to him to undertake 
a journey with him to Manyema. He, the Belgian, 
would supply guns and ammunition, while Tippoo 
Tib was to find the necessary carriers. The proceeds 
of the journey were to be divided equally. Tippoo 
Tib replied that he was a subject of the Sultan of 
Zanzibar, to whom, as a matter of course, his other 
territories were subject ; if the latter gave his con- 
sent he would think the matter over. The Belgian 
represented to him, on the contrary, that he was 
sole ruler in Manyemaland, and the Sultan had no 
authority over him. Tippoo Tib, however, per- 
sisted that he could undertake nothing without the 
Sultan's sanction. 

That same morning he paid his visit to Seyyid 
Burghash, whose acquaintance he had not yet made. 
He had much to tell him about his successes in 
West Africa, and finally reported also the proposal 
of the Belgian. Burghash thereupon answered that 
he had really had it in his mind to make him Vali 
of Tabora, but from what he heard of his influence 
in Manyemaland and the plans of the European, he 
considered it more advisable that Tippoo Tib should 
return speedily to his dominions, so as not to leave 
them a prey to the desires of the Western traveller. 
Tippoo Tib begged for a respite, at least until the 
whole of his ivory had arrived from Tabora, but the 
Sultan pressed for a speedy departure. 

However, our hero soon found excuses enough, 
with the usual Arab faculty of procrastination, to 
stay a considerable time at Zanzibar. 

In the first place, Wissmann arrived, some 


days later, and had to be reckoned with. Tippoo 
Tib says he only charged him for the goods 
advanced at cost price, and said nothing about the 
tolls paid for him at Ugogo. 

Our traveller had also to hold consultations with 
the British Consul-Greneral, his old acquaintance 
Sir John Kirk. He was particularly interested in 
the state of affairs at Ugogo, whose inhabitants 
had already given rise to many complaints by the 
systematic extortions they practised on passing 
caravans. He proposed to Tippoo Tib to devise 
means, in concert with Seyyid Burghash, to bring 
the country wholly under his control. H the Sultan 
had taken this hint — if, as easily might have been 
done at that time, he had secured the roads to Ugogo 
by adequate military posts, and thrown large bodies 
of troops into the country — he would have been just 
in time to avert the loss of his great possessions in 
Africa. When, two years later, the chiefs of the 
districts lying between Ugogo and the coast sub- 
mitted to the German Protectorate, the Sultan's 
protest passed unnoticed, because he could not 
prove that he had ever exercised substantive rights 
of sovereignty in those districts. 

But Seyyid Burghash always had much less 
inclination for the extension of his political influence 
than for commercial undertakings. This observa- 
tion was made at this very time by Wissmann when, 
on reaching Zanzibar, he duly paid his visit to the 
Sultan. Quite uneducated, as all the Oman Arabs 
still are, he had no conception of the vast tracts 
which his subjects had explored and subjugated in 
his name ; and when Wissmann told him of the 


many countries through which he himself had 
passed, the only question that interested him was 
whether there was much gold and silver there. 
When he replied in the negative and could not even 
give satisfactory information as to the presence of 
coal, the interest of the Sultan was at an end. No 
other points of view existed for him. 

Now his thoughts were only concentrated on the 
commercial opening-up of the districts extolled by 
Tippoo Tib as rich in ivory and slaves, and he 
endeavoured, disregarding the pohtical necessity of 
keeping the route to them open under all circum- 
stances, first and foremost to secure a monopoly of 
trade for his subjects in the new regions. 

In accordance with the Sultan's plenary powers 
at that time, he promulgated a decree, mainly 
directed against the Belgian, that no one should 
enlist carriers until Hamed bin Muhammed was 
sufficiently supphed. Taria was once more made to 
open an unlimited credit for him, and this time, 
after the first speculation had turned out so well, 
and Tippoo Tib been so successful, probably was 
not unwilling to do so. Personally the Sultan 
heaped many tokens of his favour on the famous 
traveller. He presented him with 2,000 rupees in 
cash, besides rich stuffs and other things that 
delight the heart of the Oriental — fragrant perfumes, 
richly-adorned weapons, a gold watch, and a diamond 

On this fresh journey Tippoo Tib took with him 

his newly-acquired friend Rumalisa. He had, 

indeed, intended to trade on his own account, but 

could not (as the autobiographer spitefully insists, in 


view of the enmity that afterwards arose between 
them) get anyone to lend him a farthing. Rnma- 
lisa's brother Nasor was also taken as a companion. 

At Tabora our hero found letters from his cousin 
Bwana Nzige. He complained that the people in 
Manyema had become refractory, and that he felt 
powerless against them. If Tippoo Tib did not 
come very quickly, he would expose himself to 
heavy losses, for much ivory lay ready for him. 

Tippoo Tib at once determined to march on, but 
could get no carriers at Tabora, as it was just harvest 
time. In his need he applied to Mirambo, who at 
once, like a true friend, sent him 200 men. Tippoo 
Tib armed them and set off. His merchandise, to 
the value of 80,000 dollars, he left to the care of 
Rumalisa, who was to collect more carriers and then 
to follow. 

As our hero, being sure of Mirambo's friendship, 
meant to take the shorter road through his country, 
the Arabs again endeavoured to sow discord between 
them. They made out to Tippoo Tib that he would 
certainly be attacked by Mirambo, and tried to 
persiiade the latter that he was coming to make war 
on him. But once more their slanders failed. 
Tippoo Tib was received with all honour, and 
Mirambo again requested him to intercede that 
he might secure final peace with Seyyid Burghash. 
He reported that he had on a previous occasion sent 
the Sultan a great supply of ivory, but the present 
had been declined ; now he meant again to send 
him forty tusks, and Tippoo Tib must try to con- 
vince him of the sincerity of his peaceful intentions. 

Tippoo Tib parted from his host on the best 


of terms, and on the 29tli Rajeb, 1300 (beginning 
of Jime, 1883), reached the Arab settlement of 
Kwa Kassongo. Next day he visited his friends at 

After a short stay he continued his march to 
Siiltan Lusuna, with whose help he got together a 
large force. With the energy characteristic of him, 
he soon restored order throughout his territories. 
While he was engaged in setting up new Valis, 
a letter reached him from old Juma Mericano, who 
was in great distress in a country north-west of the 
Lomami, the Sultan of which, Kassongo Karambo, 
had falsely persuaded him that he could do excel- 
lent business in ivory there. When he got there it 
turned out that the ruler had simply intended to 
cheat the stranger out of his merchandise. He 
forbade his subjects to sell ivory direct to the Arab; 
Juma had to buy it all from the Sultan himself at 
high prices, and did not receive permission to leave 
the country till he had found a purchaser for all 
his goods. 

But matters were brought to a crisis by the 
fact that the Sultan had been audacious enough to 
claim as his property several tusks of Tippoo Tib's 
that had been handed over to Juma. This gave our 
friend the desired excuse for extending his authority 
to this country. 

On the way there he did some advantageous 
strokes of business at Ukosi. How he went about 
the work he does not say in his biography, only 
he remarks, significantly enough, that as soon as he 
approached all the Shensis ran away and gave him 
the new sobriquet of Mkangwansara. The meaning 



of this title is said, to have been ' He is afraid of 
nothing, or only fears that he and his men should 
not find enough provisions.' 

The country was rich in copper. In six days he 
' acquired ' 700 frasilas. He then marched in 
a northerly direction through thickly populated 
locahties, and at length reached the capital of 
Kassongo, Karombo. There he found some 3,000 
adults, one and aU drunk. He only came across one 
Muhammedan, a young man from the coast named 
Musa. His friend Juma vs^as among the drunken, 
for which reason oiu" traveller does not reckon him 
as a co-religionist. Painfully the old sinner dragged 
himself to the barasa of his house to welcome his 
deliverer. But the greeting came to an abrupt con- 
clusion by Juma at once falling into a leaden sleep. 

When his renegade friend had become sober next 
morning, Tippoo Tib held a most categorical palaver 
with the Sultan, which ended in his not only hand- 
ing over all the goods he had stolen, biit giving him 
ten tusks of ivory in addition as compensation. 

Tippoo Tib's task was thus completed. Juma 
Mericano, however, who had stiU various items of 
business on hand, could not get away so quickly. 
He begged his friend to go on alone for the present, 
but first to exert all his influence that no hindrances 
might be placed in the way of his departure 
later on. 

When this had also been satisfactorily arranged, 
Tippoo Tib got under way. During his return 
march he had opportunities for remarkable studies 
in civilization. In almost every place he came 
across people with ears and noses cut off. These 


miitilations had been inflicted on them by Rungn 
Kabare, a Sultan who had once held sway over 
the whole of Urua. In order to give visible ex- 
pression to his power he had, according to justice 
or caprice, treated his subjects in this way. He 
had held absolute sway far away to the east, and 
would, Tippoo Tib thinks, have made even Ujiji 
and Tabora unsafe, but that the great Lake Tan- 
ganyika checked his advance. 

In his expeditions he used his mutilated subjects 
as bogies. He placed them in the foremost ranks, 
and as soon as the enemy caught sight of the earless 
and noseless promachi, they were so stricken with 
panic that they promptly took to flight. 

After Rungu Kabare's death, his son Kassongo 
Rushie succeeded him ; but he was unable to main- 
tain the power of his father. Many disputes arose 
between the various descendants, which soon split 
up the once powerful kingdom. 

Tippoo Tib passed through the province of 
Ngongo, who remained, as before, a loyal and freely- 
paying subject of his master, back to Nyangwe. He 
only stayed there a month, and then marched on 
down-stream to the so-called Stanley Falls, where, as 
their most easterly point d'appui, the International 
Congo Company had meanwhile established a 
fortified station. 

It will not be out of place to give here a short 
sketch of the events which led to the founding of 
the independent Congo State. 

In September, 1876, the King of the Belgians 
summoned an ' International Conference to consider 
the means for the systematic exploration of Africa,' 



at Brussels. To this meeting the presidents of all 
the larger geographical societies were invited, and 
representatives of almost all the European States 
attended it. The King, who opened the Conference 
in person at his palace, proposed to form an Inter- 
national Society for the Exploration and Civilization 
of Central Africa. The proposal was received with 
enthusiasm, and in connection with the Association 
Internationale Africaine thus created, numerous 
national committees were formed in the States 
concerned, with the object of concentrating the 
colonial aspirations of the various countries, and 
advancing them in accordance with the principles 
adopted by the International Union. The ideals 
aimed at were scientific exploration on a harmonious 
plan, the opening of ways of communication by 
which trade and civilization might penetrate into 
the interior, and the devising of means for the 
suppression of slavery. For the carrying out of 
these objects stations were as far as possible to 
be founded, which were to make scientific obser- 
vation of the tracts within their reach, and afford 
hospitality to passing travellers. 

The widespread interest which the Dark Con- 
tinent had for some time excited developed into 
general enthusiasm when, in August, 1877, Stanley 
returned from his eventful crossing of Africa, 
and related marvellous stories of the alleged 
wealth of the tracts he had passed through. After 
his unexampled success he seemed the right man 
for the objects of the Association Internationale 

After his attempt to exploit commercially the 


countries he had discovered with the help of English 
capital had been wrecked by the backwardness 
of the capitalists, who, not satisfied with brilliant 
descriptions, demanded material guarantees, Stanley 
in 1878 began negotiations in Brussels. These led 
to the foundation, under the presidency of King 
Leopold, of a Comite d'Etudes du Haut Congo, 
under the auspices of which Stanley took charge 
of a splendidly equipped espedition. The outfit, 
which included a steamboat of 25 tons, four 
launches, and a large number of boats and lighters, 
was despatched by special steamer to the mouth 
of the Congo, while Stanley himself proceeded to 
Zanzibar to recruit the necessary men there. 

On August 21, 1879, the expedition started up 
the Congo ; but, as is often the case, the successful 
explorer did not prove a skilful organizer. True, a 
number of stations were established in the region 
of the lower Congo, but all these undertakings 
swallowed up great sums of money, and not the 
slightest trace was to be found on the spot of the 
stores of wealth which the country was said to 
possess. Moreover, the ideal aims of the Association 
Internationale, under whose banner the enterprise 
had come into existence, were not furthered in any 
visible way. 

People at Brussels were already beginning to 
get very impatient when Stanley succeeded once 
more, by a personal sojourn in Belgium, in creating 
a feeling in favour of his mission, and though aU 
his very extensive demands were not acceded to, 
yet very ample means were once more placed at his 


At the end of 1882 he returned to the Congo. Ideal 
aspirations had ceased to produce any effect, and 
commercial enterprises for the present promised no 
result ; so, in order to have something to show the 
wondering world, the preponderance was transferred 
to political acquisitions. Rights of sovereignty were 
acquired from the various chiefs, and the newly- 
created stations sprang like mushrooms from the 
soil. Forty of them were to be counted as far as the 
Stanley Falls. Their establishment had, it is true, 
cost £600,000, and after a short time all but a few 
of them were given up. 

In the middle of 1884 Stanley again returned to 
Europe, and was replaced in the conduct of the 
Belgian enterprises by the English Colonel Sir 
Francis de Winton. 

Soon afterwards the districts acquired in Central 
Africa received their political status. They were 
formed into the Congo Free State (Etat Ind^pen- 
dant du Congo). King Leopold II., with the assent 
of the Belgian Chambers, became the head of a new 
political entity, which Avas solemnly proclaimed at 
Bawana on July 13, 1885. 

Shortly before the so-called Congo Conference had 
sat at Berlin, and between November 15, 1884, 
and February 26, 1885, had discussed general 
ordinances regulating the freedom of trade in the 
Congo basin and the surrounding districts, the 
limitation of the slave trade, the neutrality of the 
free trade sphere, navigation on the Congo and 
Niger, as also the principles of future acquisitions 
of territory in Africa. 

The furthest station established by the Belgians 


was, as we have said, Stanley Falls, wliicli Tippoo 
Tib now visited. From this point he sent ont 
twenty large caravans to travel through the country, 
which was already further opened up. Most of 
these met with success, but the largest, under the 
Arab Saliun bin Muhammed, was almost entirely 
wiped out. It went up the Aruwimi River, and 
there, while making itself at home in a deserted 
township, was surprised by the inhabitants return- 
ing by night, and was slaughtered and devoured 
almost to a man. This disastrous adventure was, 
as we shall see, to have a momentotis sequel in the 
future history of our hero. 

While Tippoo Tib remained in these districts, 
which were daily falling more and more com- 
pletely under Belgian rule, he received from Seyyid 
Burghash letters urging him to use every means in 
his power to keep the country under his influence. 
Tippoo Tib replied that he himself was powerless 
without weapons and ammunition ; if the Sultan 
wished him to do his best for him, he must first 
supply him with the necessary material. There- 
upon Burghash called him back to talk over the 
situation in Manyemaland with him in person. 



' Prophets right and prophets left, 
The worldling in the middle.' 

Goethe : Dinner at Coblenz. 

Tippoo Tib quickly settled his outstanding affairs, 
and started for Tanganyika with a fresh store of 
ivory — 900 frasilas, as he says. On the way 
messengers reached him from Rumalisa with no 
very edifying news. There was war at Uvinza, and 
Tippoo Tib's merchandise, which represented a 
considerable capital, was in danger of being wholly 
lost if he could not at once place a large body of 
troops at Rumalisa's disposal. Acting on this 
advice, our hero sent 500 warriors, armed with 
guns, on ahead in aU haste, and followed himself 
by forced marches. At Ujiji he found RtunaKsa, 
to whom he gave further instructions for the con- 
flict. Then he marched away to Tabora, reaching 
the town of his fathers in September, 1886. 

Here, too, in spite of the short time he had spent 
beyond Tanganyika, he found many things changed, 
to the disadvantage of his compatriots. If the 
Belgians on the west had seriously curtailed the 
Arab influence, on the east the Germans were 



threatening more and more to force backwards the 
Oriental sphere of power. 

On April 3, 1884, the Society for German Coloniza- 
tion had been founded at Berlin, and at the end 
of the same year Dr. Peters had, under its orders, 
started on his famous flag-hoisting journey, which 
ended in the peaceful subjugation of the territories 
of Useguha, Nguru, Usegara, and Ukami. On 
February 27, 1885, the Emperor, William I., 
sanctioned the acquisition of the new districts by 
the issue of a charter. On April 25 Sultan Burg- 
hash was officially informed of the fact, and at once 
raised a protest at Berlin by telegraph. He insisted 
that the chiefs had had no right to alienate the 
districts acquired by Germany, for these — -so ended 
the very sharply worded protest — belonged to him 
' since the days of his fathers.' 

The claims of the Sultan were, naturally, not 
acknowledged by the German Foreign Office. He 
had certainly exercised no effective rights of 
sovereignty over the ceded territories. It is suffi- 
ciently demonstrated by what has gone before 
that the Arabs who journeyed into the interior were 
habitually regarded by the natives as enemies. 
Almost everywhere our hero had to force a passage 
or purchase it by heavy payments, regulated by the 
caprice of the various chiefs. If the natives dealt 
so with the subjects of the Sultan of Zanzibar, it 
was quite plain that they did not fear his power, 
still less acknowledge his sovereignty. 

That the Sultan had small military posts here 
and there can scarcely be taken into account. 
They were like oases in the desert, and their influ- 


ence did not extend beyond the range of their guns. 
But even the few places where there were large 
colonies of Arabs, with Valis appointed by the 
Sultan, cannot be regarded as belonging to Zanzi- 
bar. As the conflicts round Tabora teach us, such 
Valis had no authority over the neighbouring 
natives ; it only extended to the Arabs and people 
of the coast who lived near them. They were, in 
modern phraseology, Consiils of the Siiltan, invested 
with jurisdiction to a certain extent, but with this 
drawback — that their exequatur was only respected 
by the local rulers as long as it brought them 

In order to break down the resistance of the 
Sultan to the German acquisitions, a strong squadron 
was sent in June to Zanzibar, and anchored 
menacingly before his palace. On August 14 
Seyyid Burghash recognised the cession of the 
territories, and was clearly glad, in face of this 
display of force by the German Empire, that his 
whole country was not annexed. As a pendant to 
these proceedings, negotiations were entered on 
with England concerning the further development 
of West African affairs. These resulted, on Novem- 
ber 1, 1886, in the London Convention, which 
formed the first international basis for Gernaan 
colonial aspirations. The Sultan was acknowledged 
as Suzerain over the islands of Zanzibar, Pemba 
Lamu, and Mafia, and a belt on the coast ten 
miles broad, from the Rovuma to Kipini. Ger- 
many acceded to an agreement concluded between 
England and France in 1882, by which the inde- 
pendence of the Sultan was giiaranteed. In order 


to make accessible by sea the new acquisitions of 
the colonizing association — which had meanwhile 
been transformed into the German East African 
Company — England promised its good offices to 
induce the Sultan to lease to it the customs har- 
bours of Dar-es-salaam and Pangani. The joint 
use of the former had already been conceded to 
the Company in September, 1885. In addition 
to this, Germany and England agreed to delimit 
shortly their respective spheres of influence in the 
treaty districts. As a supplement to this treaty, 
Burghash let himself be persuaded in 1887 to farm 
the whole of the Customs on the coast to the 
German Company. A formal treaty regulating the 
details was signed in April, 1888, by his successor 
and brother, Khalife. 

The economic opening up of the East Coast 
territories went hand-in-hand with their political 
conquest. As long ago as the beginning of the 
nineteenth century American whale-fishers had 
come in contact with Zanzibar, and since 1830 the 
American firm of John Bertram had been firmly 
established there. It sent sailing vessels from time 
to time to the Indian Ocean, and exchanged Western 
clothing materials for coffee in Arabia, and for 
ivory, rubber, and cloves in the East African capital. 
Soon afterwards the Hamburg firm of O'Swald also 
set up at Zanzibar. Till then the West Coast had 
been its sphere of action, but in 1846 it sent a 
ship to the East Coast to obtain the cowrie-shells, 
which were current there as money. The favour- 
able conditions of trade found to prevail there 
encouraged the firm to establish a permanent settle- 


ment. Near the Custom-house it acquired a piece 
of land, on which it erected a house, which still 
counts among the finest and most convenient build- 
ings in the town. In 1859 the Hanse Towns estab- 
lished at Zanzibar a Consulate, the management of 
which was entrusted to the firm. After the consular 
representation was taken over, first by the North 
German Confederation and later by the German 
Empire, the post was held by the head of the firm 
for the time being till 1884, when a regular German 
Consulate was created. 

In the sixties an employ^ who was leaving the 
firm of O'Swald founded a rival establishment 
for the Hamburg house of Hansing and Co., while 
in 1874 the great ivory firm of H. A. Meyer set up a 
branch at Zanzibar. While the two first-named 
carried on business on the spot, the professional 
activity of the latter gradually necessitated getting 
into touch with the interior. Countries really rich 
in ivory were even then scarcely to be found on this 
side of Tanganyika. The nearest good market was 
at Tabora, where, beside the tusks of the elephants 
killed in the country, much of the ivory obtained in 
Manyema was to be bought. Thither the firm in 
July and August sent two representatives, named 
Harders and Toppen, amply supplied with merchan- 
dise. They reached their destination at the end of 
the year, and at once encountered the greatest 
difl&culties. The Arabs, as a matter of course, 
viewed with distrust the foreign element which 
desired to intrude into their midst. While the 
permanent society of the unbelievers was dis- 
tasteful to them, the competition of the strangers 


was also to be dreaded. They worked with proper 
and reliable means, paid cash, and might, if left 
alone, end in attracting all the custom. Moreover, 
they were in a position to observe many Arab tricks, 
which, if reported on the coast, must create bad 
blood there. That the throne of their Sultan at 
Zanzibar no longer stood firm, and the accursed 
Franks, with their ships of war, had lately made a 
great display there, was not, of course, unknown to 
the Tabora people, thanks to their busy intercourse 
with the home country. Besides, of late so many 
strangers were going about the country, of whom no 
one knew rightly what they wanted. Formerly they 
had only laughed at the crazy fellows in tattered 
clothes who followed the courses of rivers of no 
importance, or climbed high mountains without 
getting any advantage thereby. But by degrees 
it seemed as if there was some tangible support 
behind these Westerners, and now that even the 
powerful Sultan of Zanzibar began to be sub- 
servient to them the matter was getting serious. 
So prudence was advisable. Open violence is con- 
trary to the Oriental character as long as other 
means are at coramand. It is quite possible to 
keep an amiable countenance and harass one's 
enemies well at the same time. In East African 
legal affairs da.ituri plays a great part : no Papal 
dogma is so infallible ; and it is a part of dasturi, 
and a leading one, to give presents everywhere. 
Those who are unaware of this fact must be told of it. 
So the Vali of Tabora, a man of noble birth, 
named Zid bin Juma, of course took good care diily 
to instruct the poor ignorant strangers. Leave 


to settle in Tabora was not refused, but they 
must make him presents for it ; the purchase of 
ivory was allowed them, but in return they must 
bestow on the representative of the Sultan under 
whose protection they lived such a part of their 
merchandise as seemed siiitable. 

As a matter of course, too, they must show their 
gratitude to the ruler of the country for the hospi- 
tality afforded them. Mkasiva had died in the 
meantime, and his son Sike reigned in his stead, 
who, being of a covetous nature, liked to work hand- 
in-hand with the Arabs to extort as much as 
possible from the strangers. Thus in six weeks 
goods to the value of some 7,000 marks were 
wheedled out of the new-comers with an affable 
smile, or in case of refusal with alarming threats. 
If the Vali wanted anything he made the needs of 
the Sultan his excuse, while the Sultan in turn 
sheltered himself behind the Vali when he was in an 
acquisitive humour. 

As, owing to these one-sided proofs of friendship, 
but little business could be done for the firm, 
in March, 1886, Toppen started for the coast to 
seek the intervention of the German Consulate- 
General in getting the Sultan to alter the dasturi 
practised by his subjects ; but he fell ill from 
sunstroke, and so his arrival at Zanzibar was delayed. 
But as previous complaints as to the oppression of 
the agents at Tabora had already reached him, the 
Sultan indited various letters of advice to the Vali 
and Sike. These were despatched by a new repre- 
sentative of the firm, Giesecke, who was sent to 
Tabora in the early part of 1886. On the way he 


received the sad news that Harders had died of 
fever. A French traveller, Revoil, had been with 
him at the time of his death, and had meant to hold 
out in Tabora until a fresh agent of the firm 
appeared, to whom he might hand over the stock, 
of which he had taken charge in the meantime. 
His health forced him, however, to leave before this. 
He made out in the presence of witnesses a careful 
inventory of the Meyers' property, which was after- 
wards delivered to Giesecke. The goods intended 
for exchange proved to be intact, but it was found 
that forty tusks, of a value of some 14,000 marks, 
had been abstracted. The Arab Mtihammed bin 
Kasum was subsequently unmasked as the perpe- 
trator of the theft. He had undermined the 
approach to the Meyers' temhe, and carried ofE the 
ivory through the opening. This is a favourite 
method of burglary in East Africa. 

The Sultan's letters of advice were of very little 
use — ^in fact, Sike, emboldened by the attitude of the 
Arabs, continued his attempts at extortion more 
shamelessly than ever. Even the permission to 
bury the deceased Harders in Taboran soil had to be 
bought by Giesecke at the cost of some 300 marks. 

In addition to all this chicanery, on May 27, soon 
after his arrival, an attempt was made on Giesecke's 
life. While he was sitting in his room one evening 
he was fired at through the window, and the large 
slugs with which the gun was loaded struck the 
wall a short distance from his head. 

The firm, in consequence, determined to give up 
the settlement at Tabora ; but while they were 
debating as to the most advantageous way of 


conveying the existing stock to the coast a 
second miirderons attack on Giesecke was perpe- 
trated, which, cost him his life. At the time when 
this happened Tippoo Tib had just reached Tabora, 
and from this moment we can again follow his 
memoranda at first hand. 

He begins by recording how Giesecke told him 
of his trouble as to the intrigues of the Arabs, the 
purloining of the ivory, and the first attempt on 
himself. He personally examined the place where 
the slugs had entered the wall, and on measuring 
found that the space between their marks and the 
place where Giesecke had sat was only an inch. 
Tippoo Tib urged Giesecke to make the journey to 
the coast under his protection, and the offer was 
gratefully accepted. 

He then narrates that he met yet another 
European at Tabora, who had passed through 
Khartum to Wadelai, seen Emin Pasha, and then 
proceeded to Uganda. This was the Russian Dr. 
Junker. This well-known traveller, born at 
Moscow in 1840, had already made two expeditions 
to the Southern Nile regions, in 1873 and 1876, and 
since 1879 had been engaged in exploring the 
sources of that river. He had, as Tippoo Tib quite 
correctly states, come across the well-known Emin 
Bey at Lado. Owing to the Mahdist rising, of 
which we shall have to speak again later on, his 
return by the northern route had been cut off. His 
brother, who lived in Russia and feared for his life, 
had sent out an expedition to his rehef in 1884 
under the German traveller Dr. Fischer. But he 
had to turn back without effecting his purpose. 


owing to the hostile action of King Mwanga of 
Uganda. Junker, however, succeeded in forcing 
his way for himself. Early in 1886 he started from 
Wadelai, and in the beginning of September of that 
year reached Unyanyembe. He took up his 
residence at the English mission-station of Ujui, not 
far from Tabora. Here he learnt that Tippoo Tib 
would arrive in a few days and continue his march 
to the coast without stopping. He naturally wished, 
in view of the prevailing insecurity, to seize the 
opportunity to continue his joiirney under the 
protection of the powerful caravan leader. 

To be sure, he had to pay dearly for this honour. 
From diaries left behind by Giesecke we learn 
that Junker paid Tippoo Tib for carriers supplied 
by him the sum of 1,500 dollars. The usual tariff 
for a carrier from Tabora to the coast was at that 
time from 10 to 12 doUars, or at most 18 dollars, 
a total in round numbers of 700 dollars. The 
excess of 800 dollars was agreed on as a sort of life 
insurance, payable on the safe delivery of Junker at 

Tippoo Tib did not wish to stay longer than 
necessary at Tabora, and so it was agreed to make 
ready for departure with all speed, and start at the 
end of September. In the interval the travellers 
pitched their camp in Ituru, the quarter where their 
protectors lived. There, in the night of the 27th, 
the fatal attempt on the unfortunate Giesecke was 
made. As Junker sat reading in his tent towards 
eleven in the evening he was suddenly startled by 
shots close at hand. At the same moment he heard 
pitiful calls for help from Giesecke's tent, only 



twenty paces away. Hastening thither at once, lie 
found the young merchant mortally wounded. He 
remained all night with him, while Tippoo Tib, who 
had speedily come to the scene at the news of the 
disaster, sent messengers to the Catholic mission- 
station at Kiparapara to beg for further assistance. 
Then the Arab chief, wounded to the quick by 
this treacheroiis attack in his own camp, pro- 
ceeded straight to Tabora to call the Vali Zib bin 
Juma to account for the breach of the peace. As to 
what followed we had best listen to his own 

He said to the Vali Zid : ' " You have, without any 
cause, wrought my destruction. It is not the 
European you have injured, but me." But Zid bin 
Juma said : " No one but Muhammed bin Kasum 
can have shot him. Just now in the night I heard 
shots. They must have come back then." Next 
morning Zid sent messengers out to call all the 
Arabs together and likewise informed the Sultan. 
Thereupon the same morning came messengers 
from Sike, who sent his servant Sungui-a and a 
message that he knew nothing about it. Yet 
he was in the same boat with Muhammed bin 
Kasum. Many Arabs also came, and Muhammed 
bin Kasum among them. Suddenly an Englishman 
also appeared who was at Urambo. 

' A great examination was set on foot and the 
Arabs said : " We know nothing of the matter." 
Then up jumped Sleman bin Zahir el Gabiri, and 
said in the presence of Muhammed : " No one can 
have shot the European but Muhammed bin Kasum. 
He is a great robber!" Then Muhammed grew 


alarmed and said : "I stole the ivory — that is true, 
but I did not fire at the European. Should I kill a 
man who travels with Hamed bin Muhanuned ? I 
would never do such a thing." Sleman said : "It 
was you and no one else. If you bid us, Hamed bin 
Muhammed, we will put him in chains and give him 
to you, that you may take him to the coast." I 
said to them : "Do you people of Tabora yourselves 
take him prisoner." 

' Thereupon the Englishman who came from 
Urambo said to me : " Let us go and see to Mr. 
Giesecke." So we went and came to Ituru, where 
we found Dr. Jimker. He said to us : " The mis- 
sionaries have taken Giesecke with them." We lay 
down to sleep, and next morning I went with Junker 
and the Englishman to the missionaries, where we 
found Giesecke. He was sick and caUed me and 
said : "I am sick — God knows it. The ivory that I 
have has brought me to ruin ; if you leave me in 
the lurch it will all be lost. I beg of you, take it 
and give it to my friends on the coast. Say what 
you want for doing so." I answered him : "I want 
nothing for it, but tell these Europeans — the French- 
men, the Englishman, and Junker — to count the 
tusks, then I will take them with me." Then he 
said to me : " Leave me eight men here to look 
after me." Then I went back with the Eiiropeans 
to Ituru, where they counted the ivory. When we 
had finished the counting the missionaries went 
home, and the Englishman asked me for guides to 
Tabora. Two days later we set out and reached 
the coast near Bagamoyo.' 

Poor Giesecke received the tenderest care among 



the White Fathers, but nevertheless succumbed to 
his wounds on October 3. His murderer, Muhammed 
bin Kasam, thanks to the disturbed state of affairs, 
long evaded the arm of justice, but at last ventured 
to visit the coast, and was condemned to death 
by a court-martial on June 16, 1890. On the 25th 
of the same month he was hanged. 

The rest of the ivory belonging to the firm of 
H. A. Meyer was conscientiously delivered by 
Tippoo Tib at Zanzibar. Their other claims for 
compensation, which amounted to 80,000 marks in 
round numbers, were only partially satisfied, in spite 
of repeated representations to Seyyid Burghash and 
his successor. Khalifa. A shamhe belonging to the 
murderer was confiscated for their benefit and sold 
for 1,900 dollars, also a quantity of ivory belonging 
to his accomplice, Zid bin Juma, which produced 
some 2,000 marks, was seized on the coast. 

Dr. Junker reached Zanzibar under Tippoo Tib's 
guidance. He proceeded to Europe and recorded 
the experiences and knowledge acquired on his 
long voyages in various articles which appeared in 
' Petermann's Mitteilungen,' and a larger work, 
'Reisen in Afrika, 1875-1886.' He died at St. 
Petersburg in 1892. 

When Tippoo Tib reached the coast at Bagamoyo, 
he found a letter from the Sultan sununoning him 
to come to him at once. He immediately obeyed, 
and as soon as he reached Zanzibar was received by 
Seyyid Burghash. He had much to tell the Sultan 
about his last journey, and the latter learned with 
sorrow how from the West also the Europeans were 
pressing ever closer upon the old bulwarks of the 


Arabs on the mainland. The reports of so ex- 
perienced a traveller convinced him that his part in 
the interior of Africa would ere long be played ont. 
In two voyages to Europe this clear-sighted Prince 
had learned fi-om personal observation the power of 
the West, and had of late been forced to realize in 
his own country how weak his Oriental despotism 
was compared with the armaments of Germany and 
England. He had no further aspiration than to 
retain at least the remainder of his kingdom — the 
island of Zanzibar itself — and he closed his inter- 
view with his subject, who had travelled so far and 
saw through matters with the same hopeless perspi- 
cacity, with these mournful words : ' Then he said 
to me: "Hamed, be not angry with me; I want 
to have no more to do with the mainland. The 
Europeans want to take Zanzibar here from me : 
how should I be able to keep the mainland ? Happy 
are those who did not live to see the present state 
of affairs. You are a stranger here still, but you 
will see how things are going here." ' 

And Tippoo Tib adds with resignation : ' When 
I heard these words I knew that it was all up 
with us.' 



' Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori.' 


Two months after his arrival at Zanzibar Tippoo 
Tib learned that soon after his departure from 
Stanley Falls a violent conflict had broken out 
between the Arabs and Europeans, ending in the 
flight of the latter and the destruction of the station. 
The autobiographer says nothing as to the details of 
these events, and they might quite properly be left 
out here, as he himself was not present ; but the way 
in which the hostile parties rush at each other and 
the long accumulated store of explosive material 
breaks into flame at a touch is so characteristic, 
the devotion even to death of the slender body of 
Europeans so admirable, that it may be worth while 
to insert here the narrative of an eye-witness, who 
seems qualified beyond all others to give an account 
of this deplorable episode. 

Deane, then the head of the station, who, as the 
only surviving European, defended it to the last 
charge of powder, and only by a miracle escaped 
the fury of his Arab pursuers, shortly before his 
death gave Herbert Ward, a traveller whom we shall 



meet again in tlie career of our hero, a description 
of his sufferings, which the latter thus reproduces 
in his ' Five Years with the Congo Cannibals ' 
(Part II., chap, xi.) : 

' You know how I was ordered to Stanley Falls 
last year (1885) by the Colonel (Sir Francis de 
Winton, the Administrator-General of the Congo 
State) to take over command and endeavour to keep 
the Arabs in order and protect the natives from their 
exactions, so that the authority of the State might be 
established and fully recognised by them. Well, 
you remember how I got wounded in the leg by 
a spear-thrust when the Monungeri savages attacked 
us on the first journey up to the Falls, and how 
I had to return to Stanley Pool to recover from the 
effects of the wound, for we found that the spear 
had been poisoned. I lay iU a long while, and it 
was only in January that I was able to return to the 

' You remember — for I showed you my instructions 
— how I was promised a plentiful supply of ammuni- 
tion and rifles and reinforcements of men when the 
river steamer Le Stanley made its next trip up to the 
Falls, which would be in August. Well, upon my 
arrival I found things in a very bad condition : the 
Arabs had the entire upper hand and bullied the 
natives just as they pleased ; yet I could do nothing 
to prevent them, for it was too far off the time of my 
expected reinforcements to provoke a conflict. 

' Tippoo Tib had gone back to Zanzibar, and had 
left his partner, Bwana Nzige, in charge of his 
people, and Nzige's son, Rashid bin Muhammed 
bin Said, also had much to say in the management 


of affairs during Tippoo Tib's absence. I soon saw 
that these fellows did not like me or my ways at all, 
and that I should not get them to conform to my 
orders without a row. I had thirty-two Haussas, 
under Sergeant-Major Musa Kanu, a fine, tall fellow, 
and also about forty Bangala, whom I had brought 
up with me in Le Stanley, and I set to work to 
fortify the station, clear away the grass and scrub 
around it in case of a surprise, and to be able to 
keep an eye on the Arabs over on the mainland. 

* It is necessary to observe that the State station 
of Stanley Falls was built on an island in the Congo 
just below the seventh cataract, while the Arabs 
were mostly on the mainland, although a few lived 
in a village on the same island among the natives. 

' Well, the time went on, and a worse feeling sprang 
up between the Arabs and me, owing to my attempts 
to protect the natives from their robberies. One 
day, about the middle of July (1886), a woman 
entered the camp seeking protection and saying 
that the Arabs had flogged her. Her story was that 
she had been given to Tippoo Tib as a pledge 
of friendship by her father, but that, being of 
the Wachongera Meno tribe {i.e., of " the filed 
teeth " tribes, who are usually cannibals), Tippoo 
Tib did not care for her, and had given her to 
one of his most influential Arab head-men. This 
Arab ill-treated her, she said, and so she had fled to 
us for protection. I coiild not discover any traces 
of ill-treatment — there were no marks on her skin — 
and I told her she must return to her Arab husband, 
as I had no right to interfere unless she were being 
cruelly used, and I had her conducted back to the 


Arab village. After a few days she came into the 
station again, with her back cut Avith lashes from a 
whip and her body covered with bruises, telling us 
that she had been terribly flogged, and that, had 
she not escaped, her master would have killed her. 
This time there was no doubt her story was true. 
She was a pitiable-looking object, and I deter- 
mined nothing should induce me to give her up 
again to the cruelty and brutality of the Arabs. It 
was not long before Bwana Nzige, with his son 
Rashid and all the principal Arabs, came over to me 
and demanded the woman's release. I replied that 
I should not think of letting her be taken away 
again to suffer their brutal violence, and that I was 
sent to the country to prevent such acts, and that, as 
the representative of the Congo Free State, I intended 
to do my duty. As the woman represented a certain 
value to them, I was quite prepared to pay, on behalf 
of the Government, whatever they should demand 
in reason as ransom. They sullenly declined this 
offer and persistently demanded the release of the 
woman, saying that I should regret my refusal. 
Then I knew that the storm which had been so long 
brewing was going to break. However, we were 
well armed, my Haussas were plucky, and the 
fortifications I had constructed protected us well, 
and I considered that, with the aid of my two Krupp 
guns, we could keep the Arabs at a respectful dis- 
tance, and in a few days — for it was the month of 
August — I hoped to see Le Stanley arrive with rein- 
forcements and ammunition and a white officer or 
two, for I was alone, as you know. 

' The Arabs made no direct attack upon us, 


although large numbers of their Manyemas continued 
to assemble on the mainland. At last Le Stanley 
was signalled early one morning coming up the 
river, and I was indeed dehghted, for I expected she 
would have on board the much-needed ammunition 
and reinforcements. But imagine my disgust when, 
on getting to the landing-place, I found she had 
not brought me a single cartridge of the promised 
10,000, not a rifle, and not a man, save only 
Lieutenant Dubois, of the Belgian Lancers. He 
turned out to be a splendid fellow ; but still I 
needed the other things, or my fight was hopeless. 

' Well, when Le Stanley arrived the Arabs came 
to the conclusion that I should prove too strong for 
them with my supposed reinforcements, so they sent 
in a deputation to intimate that hostilities were at 
an end, and that they desired to remain in friendly 
relations with the white man who represented the 
Congo Free State. I agreed to this, and we parted 
seemingly good friends, and shortly afterwards I 
even went so far as to visit one of their villages at 
the upper end of the island, and there found, to my 
chagrin, some of the Zanzibar crew of Le Stanley 
chatting with their compatriots among the Arabs, 
and telling them of my disappointment, and how the 
steamer had brought me none of the expected aid. 

' The next day Le Stanley left, and Dubois was 
busy arranging his quarters while I glanced 
through the piles of newspapers that my considerate 
friends on the Lower Congo had sent up to me. 
Towards evening I was told by a friendly native 
that the Arabs intended attacking the station the 
following morning, for he had overheard their 


plans. We kept strict watch during the night, 
but could distinguish nothing, until at dawn we 
found sure enough a large body of Manyemas had 
crossed from the mainland in the night and en- 
trenched themselves on my island, about 800 yards 
from the stockade. As soon as it was light we 
received a practical proof of their hostility, for 
they fired upon us. We kept up a lively fire upon 
them with our Snyder and Martini rifles for two 
days ; but they were well sheltered by their rough 
earthworks, and there were no serious losses on 
either side. 

' Our men kept up a tremendous fusillade when- 
ever the Arabs made any signs of attacking, and 
on the evening of the third day Dubois sallied out 
of the stockade and penetrated into the Arab Knes, 
capturing a Manyema drum, which they left in their 
flight. It was hot work, and he got his revolver- 
pouch shot off his hip. That night they remained 
quiet, but in the morning fresh earth-heaps were 
found thrown up nearer our entrenchments, and 
the fight recommenced. Our ammunition was now 
beginning to fail, and so Ave could not waste so 
many shots, and the Arabs took advantage of this 
to make two or three rushes right up to our posi- 
tion ; but we drove them back each time, and I 
worked the Krupp guns so hard that blood came 
from my ears, and I knocked the end off my little 
finger by getting it jammed in the breach. My 
boys — Jack (poor httle Jack from Manyanga, 
down there in the valley), and the two Aruwimi 
youngsters — behaved splendidly, bringing ammuni- 
tion to us, and making tea and carrying the cups 


up to us right across the Arab line of fire. Dubois 
charged out again, and drove them back, and then 
darkness set in and stopped the fight for the night. 
The Bangala deserted that night, taking some 
native canoes and making off down the river, to 
try and reach Bangala, which, you know, is a 500 
miles' journey. 

' In the morning the fight started again. We 
could now do little but work the Krupp guns, as 
the little rifle ammunition we had left was almost 
entirely bad. 

' We got cap-gTins and old trade flint-locks out 
of the store, and gave them to the Haussas to fire ; 
but seven of these poor chaps were already dead, and 
the rest, save Musa Kanu and three men, came to 
me that evening and said they must go. It was no 
use fighting when they were bound to fall into the 
hands of the Arabs. I threatened to shoot them as 
deserters, and they rephed : 

' " Very well, master, you shoot iis. We would 
rather you shoot us than have our throats cut by 
the Arabs." 

' And as soon as darkness set in they made off 
to the canoes and drifted down river after the 

' Dubois and I were now left with only four 
Haussas and Samba, a native of the Aruwimi, who 
had been freed by the State, and worked faithfully 
with me during all my stay at the Falls ; and 
despairingly we determined to destroy that night 
all that we could of the stores remaining, to spike 
the guns and blow up the station, and make off 
into the woods, to hide until relief should come 


from Bangala, where we reckoned the fugitive 
Bangalas would arrive by a certain date, and 
Coquilhat woixld hurry up in the steamer Associa- 
tion Internationale Africaine to our relief. We 
sprinkled the stores with oil, piled up the cart- 
ridges, spiked the Krupps, and gathered aU the 
loose gunpowder together, and, having set a train 
to this outside the station, we two, with Musa Kanu 
and his three faithful Haussas and Samba, who 
refused to budge without us, made off under cover 
of the darkness to gain the north shore, and seek 
shelter in the woods there. 

' I was the last to leave the place, and I set fire to 
the train of powder and made after the rest. 

' The night was pitch dark, and the station 
was blazing brightly behind us, but somehow the 
powder had not exploded. We knew the Arabs 
must have discovered our flight by this time, so we 
hurried along to cross over to the mainland. We 
had to wade through an arm of the Congo — a rush- 
ing torrent of water, about 50 yards wide and 
generally at that season only waist-deep. Dubois 
slipped on the rocks, and was swept down into 
deeper water. I knew he could not swim, so I at 
once jumped in after him, and managed to catch 
hold of him before he was carried away by the 
swift current. We were just able to reach the 
steep rocky bank, and, exhausted, I told Dubois 
to hold on to the edge of a jutting rock, while the 
Haussas, having safely passed over, came to our 
assistance along the top of the bank. Musa Kanu 
undid his belt and gun-strap, tied them together, 
and lowered them to me ; but when I turned where 


Dubois had been, saying, " Catch hold here !" I 
could see nothing of him. There was no Dubois. 

' By the light of the burning station, where the 
cartridges and gunpowder had now commenced to 
explode, illuminating vividly for a moment the 
surrounding scene, I searched the water for any 
signs of Dubois ; but alas, poor fellow ! he had 
become numbed in the water, or his heavy boots 
pulled him down, and he had been swept away by 
the current. It was the last I ever saw of him, and 
my grief and misery were so great at the loss of nay 
only friend away up here, after all the pluck he had 
shown during the four days' fighting at the station, 
that I wept, while the Haussas, after pulling me up, 
cried too. 

' We were indeed a wretched lot. My clothes had 
been burnt off me and torn in the fight. I had only 
an old blanket round me and a shirt on, but no 
boots ; and sadly, and feehng that I didn't care if 
the Arabs should find me and end the wretchedness 
at once, I crept away into the forest.' 

There he remained for thirty days, often on the 
verge of starvation, and himted by the Arabs from 
one hiding-place to another, till at last the steamer 
Association Internationale Africaine from Bangala 
brought him deliverance. After all, a long life was 
not in store for him. When he had restored his 
shattered health in England, he returned to the 
Congo State, and met his death in an elephant hunt 
in the forests of the Lukolela. His station remained 
for the time in the hands of the Arabs, till the 
events occurred which we shall describe in the next 



• Nihil est quod noscere malim 
Quam fluvii causas per saecula tanta latentes, 
Ignotumque caput, spes sit mihi certa videndi 
Niliacos fontes.' 

LucAN : Pharsalia. 

Mention has been made in a previous chapter of 
the Egyptian general Emin Pasha. Such is the 
name under which in the eighties of last century 
Edmund Schnitzer, a German savant, became 
known to the whole civilized world. He was bom, 
in 1840, at Oppeln, of Jewish parents, afterwards 
became a convert to Christianity, and studied 
medicine and science at Breslau. In 1865 he 
became port physician at Antivari, in Albania, and 
from 1873 on raade lengthy journeys in Armenia, 
Syria, and Arabia in the suite of a Turkish dig- 
nitary. In 1876 he entered the Egyptian service 
as Emin Effendi, and was there attached to the 
staff of Governor-General Gordon. With him he 
travelled about Khartum and Uganda. In 1879 he 
was promoted to be Bey, and appointed Governor 
of the Equatorial Province. Here he found the 
chance of bringing his great administrative talents 



into play. His district, till then the scene of 
devastating slave-raids, soon recovered its pros- 
perity imder his rule. He established new stations, 
which made the country secure, and constructed an 
extensive network of roads. By the introduction of 
new cereals he forwarded agriculture, while cattle- 
breeding, which had been much neglected during 
years of fighting, soon attained its old importance, 
thanks to the peaceful progress of the country. In 
addition, Emin rendered great services to know- 
ledge in the most various fields. As a geographer, 
he explored the still little known country round 
Lake Victoria. An exceptionally gifted linguist, 
he diligently studied the languages of the districts 
he passed through, and he benefited natural science 
by rich ornithological collections. 

While he was thus engaged in the peaceful work 
of civilization in the heart of Africa, bloody conflicts 
were taking place in the North of Egypt. The 
growing influence of England and France on the 
government of the country had for years been 
awaking a feeling of hostility to foreigners. In 
June, 1882, a revolt broke out in Alexandria, insti- 
gated by the former War Minister, Arabi, in which 
many Europeans fell victims. The city was in 
consequence bombarded by the British Admiral 
Seymour on July 11 and 12 ; but the only result 
of this step was that the fury of the populace against 
the foreigners was augmented. True, the English 
managed, on September 13, to defeat Arabi at Tel- 
el-Kebir and take him prisoner, and bring the 
Khedive, who had fled on the outbreak of the 
revolt, back to Cairo ; but it was only a seeming 


peace which had been imposed. Already the 
national Islamic movement had found a new leader 
in Muhammed Ahmed, the Mahdi, who, under the 
pretext of a Divine mission, incited religious 
fanaticism and political discontent to take arms 
against the helpless central authority. Several 
brilliant victories which he gained over consider- 
able armies commanded by English generals soon 
made him master of the whole of the Sudan, which 
intruded itself like a huge wedge between the seat 
of the Egyptian Government and Emin's district. 
After April 14, 1883, the latter found himself cut 
off from all communication with North Egypt." 
Even in his own province the situation was begin- 
ning to be critical. The Mahdists, pressing further 
and further forward, tried to incite his subjects to 
join their movement, and in May, 1884, one of his 
higher officials, Ibrahim Aga, formally repudiated 
his authority. When, in addition, in 1 885, a famine 

* Since 1883 there had been in Emin's neighbourhood and 
under his protection two European travellers, who had escaped 
from the neighbouring countries, Dr. Junker, already men- 
tioned, and Gaetano Casati, an Italian ex-officer, who since 
1880 had been exploring for the Societsb d'Bsploracione Com- 
merciale in Bahr el Ghazal and the Mombuttu countries. 
Both fugitives shared for three years the cares and perils to 
which Emin was exposed in his forlorn post, and repaid the 
hospitality shown them by much active support. Early in 
1886 Junker, as we have seen, departed via Unyamwezi to 
the coast, while Casati proceeded in May of the same year to 
negotiate with King Kabarega, but was treated there more as 
a prisoner than as a guest, and in the end actually condemned 
to death. On the approach of Stanley he was set at liberty, 
and in 1889 went on with him and Emin to the East 



broke out in the north, of Ms territory, between 
Lado and Dufile, Emin found himself compelled to 
withdraw further to the southward. He went up 
the Nile to Wadelai, which he reached on July 10, 
and which became for the future the seat of his 

Early in 1886 Emin received from Cairo the 
official announcement that the whole Sudan was 
abandoned. It was left to his own discretion to 
remain or go. Emin for some time entertained the 
idea of marching to the East Coast, but his troops 
refused to foUow him. Besides, the plan would 
have been wrecked by the hostility of King Mwanga, 
of Uganda, who, as wiU be remembered, had about 
the same time refused a passage through his terri- 
tories to Fischer, who was marching to Emin's 

While Emin thus clung to his post, cut o£E from 
all the world, a committee for his relief was forming 
under the presidency of Sir William Mackinnon, 
Bart. The subscriptions, to which the Egyptian 
Government contributed £10,000, quickly reached 
the total of £21,500. With this sum an expedition 
was to be sent to try and get through to the Pasha 
and release him from his dangerous position. The 
American Stanley, then at the zenith of his fame, 
was fixed on as the leader of the enterprise. After 
carefully weighing the possible routes, four in all, 
which came under consideration, he decided to 
advance from the mouth of the Congo to the Albert 
Nyanza, near which Emin must be located. By 
this river, which has the most abundant flow of 
water in Africa, one could go by steamer, with 


few slight interruptions, caused by the well-known 
cataracts, as far as the mouth, of the Aruwimi, and 
then follow that stream up to Yambuya. After that 
there were about 400 miles to march, throiigh 
districts which, it is true, were totally unknown, 
and probably covered with the densest forest ; but 
Stanley had ere now overcome so many difficulties 
that such prospects could not daunt him. King 
Leopold not only gave a ready assent to the 
expedition traversing the Congo State, but placed 
at their disposal the Free State's entire supply of 
boats for the voyage up the Congo. 

But there was a serious objection to this route — 
viz., the probable attitude of the Arabs. After the 
conflicts described in the last chapter, it was to be 
feared that they would treat any European passing 
throiigh as an enemy. But Stanley had a brilliant 
idea for coping with this contingency too. He 
determined on nothing less than obtaining the 
co-operation in his enterprise of the leader of those 
very Arabs — our hero, Tippoo Tib. 

From Egypt, where he had been negotiating with 
the Government, Stanley proceeded, early in 1887, 
to Zanzibar. He arrived there in February, and 
foiuid everything in good order for a start. The 
firm of Smith, Mackenzie and Co. had engaged 
carriers for him, provided the necessary goods, and 
got ready the steamer Madura, which was to carry 
the expedition round the Cape to the Congo. His 
first care at Zanzibar was to come to an under- 
standing with Tippoo Tib. The negotiations were 
carried on at the British Consulate-General. The 
entry of our hero seems to have been most dramatic. 



His adherents had sent him from Stanley Falls three 
Krupp shells, which he had had carried after him. 
Pointing to them, he said to Stanley that such were 
the presents he had to expect from Europeans. 
Stanley earnestly urged him to let bygones be 
bygones. Those conflicts had been brought about 
through the unfortunate misunderstandings of 
young people, and both sides had paid dearly for 
their hot-headedness. The King of the Belgians, at 
any rate, desired peace with the Arabs, and as a 
proof of it offered him, Tippoo Tib, the post of 
Governor in the province wrested from the Congo 
State by the Arab bands. 

The King had, in fact, given his consent by 
telegraph to this proposal, but the idea originated 
with Stanley, and does all honour to his political 
sagacity. There was no simpler way of check- 
mating his opponents than by making their leader 
his friend. And Stanley saw through his man 
clearly enough to be certain that his offer would 
not be rejected. Tippoo Tib soon recovered his 
Oriental repose in face of the propitiatory attitude 
of Stanley, and received his surprising proposal 
with his own peculiar blink, a sign with him of 
quick understanding. After the conditions had 
been conveyed to him in detail, he gave his consent. 
He was engaged at a monthly salary of £30, for 
which he was to pledge himself to hoist the Belgian 
flag and restrain his fellow-tribesmen from slave- 
hunting and other marauding. A European olflcial 
was attached to him, who was to make regular reports 
to the King of the Belgians, and whose duty it 
was, besides, though nothing was said about this to 


Tippoo Tib, to keep a watcli on his supposed 

Such was the political side of the treaty, which 
had to be settled in order to afford a basis for the 
second, the commercial one, which was much more 
important to Stanley's present enterprise. Through 
all his scientific and political undertakings he had 
always remained a good man of business, and as 
such let it be known that Emin was presumably in 
possession of some 75 tons of ivory, which at a low 
compntation represented a value of about £10,000. 
Tippoo Tib was to provide the carriers necessary to 
convey this ivory to the coast, and thus cover most 
of the cost of the expedition. These were further 
to serve the purpose of conveying the ammunition 
intended for Emin's relief from the Congo to the 
Albert Nyanza. 

The two high contracting parties, after long- 
haggling, agreed that Tippoo Tib should furnish 
600 carriers, for whom he was to get £6 per head 
for the journey from Stanley Falls to the lake and 
back. Stanley, on his part, pledged himself to 
secure Tippoo Tib and ninety-six followers free 
passage to the Congo, including provisions, and to 
conduct the caravan from there on to Stanley Falls. 

After a farewell visit to the Sultan, productive of 
many presents to both travellers, the Madura put to 
sea on February 25, 1887. At Cape Town, where 
they put in, Tippoo Tib had for the first time an 
opportunity of making acquaintance with a European 
town. The impression was, according to Stanley, 
so tremendous that he declared he was now begin- 
ning to admire Europeans. So far he had regarded 


them all as more or less fools, but now he realized that 
they were far superior to the Arabs. To Stanley's 
proposal that he should come with him some day to 
London, and there make acquaintance with the 
Europeans and their works at the fountain-head, he 
answered, like a good Moslem, with the pious words, 
' In sha Allah ' (if God wills), ' I shall go there.' 
And there it has been left until to-day. His means 
would have long since allowed of his making a 
voyage to ' Ulaia,'* but, notwithstanding all the 
offers made him, he has never got further than 
being ready to go. Allah has not yet wiUed it. 

On March 18 the Madura reached the mouth of 
the Congo. The prospects of the voyage up the 
river were very unfavourable, as the steamers ex- 
pected were not available. At length they suc- 
ceeded in chartering some craft, which next day 
conveyed the expedition to Matadi, a spot 110 
miles from the mouth. From there, owing to the 
rapids, they had to march on foot. In a dis- 
contented mood, due mainly to disputes between 
the various tribes composing the caravan, they pro- 
ceeded on March 21 towards Leopoldville, which 
was reached on April 21. Here the difficulties as 
to procuring steamers were repeated, but at last 
they succeeded in shipping the whole expedition. 
But the vessels proved so defective that on May 12, 
at Bolobo, it became necessary to divide the caravan 
into two parts. The advance column, consisting of 
the healthiest men, under Stanley's personal leader- 
ship, was to sail up the Congo and Aruwimi as 

* ' Ulaia,' from the Arabic ' Vilaje,' is the Swahili expression 
for Europe. 


far as Yambuya, and from tliere, as speed was 
necessary, at once to take the land route eastwards 
to the Albert Nyanza. As soon as they were dis- 
embarked, the fastest of the steamers was to turn back 
and pick up the rear column at Bolobo. According 
to Stanley's reckoning, they also could reach Yam- 
buya within six weeks, and there they were to take 
over the loads left behind, which were to be con- 
veyed by the carriers Tippoo Tib was to supply, 
and follow the advance column as quickly as 

This division of the expedition into two parts 
was the prelude to very tragic events, which ended 
in the almost total loss of the rear column. 

Attached to it were five Englishmen : (1) Major 
Barttelot, ' a generous, frank, and chivalrous young 
officer, distinguished in Afghanistan and on the 
Sudanese Nile for pluck and performance of duty'* ; 
(2) his friend, a young civilian named Jameson, a 
gentleman of wealth with a passion for natural history 
studies, whose alacrity, capacity, and willingness to 
work were reported to be ' unbounded ' ; (3) Herbert 
Ward, mentioned in the previous chapter, who had 
long worked in Borneo, New Zealand, and the 
Congo country, and was spoken of as bright, intelli- 
gent, and capable ; (4) John Rose Troup, who had 
proved himself ' an industrious and zealous officer ' 
under Stanley in the Congo State ; and (5) William 
Bonny, who had seen service in the Zulu and Nile 
campaigns, and was reputed ' a staid and observing 

The first-named was in all respects marked out 
* Cf. ' In Darkest Africa,' vol. i., pp. 471-473. 


for the chief command, a post for which, in Stanley's 
judgment, he was thoroughly suited. Jameson was 
to be second to him, and to take his place in case 
he was incapacitated. 

On June 16 Stanley arrived at Yambuya, Barttelot 
having parted with him on the way to escort Tippoo 
Tib in a special steamer to his old station. The 
latter reports as follows : 

'At last we came to the River Usoko, which 
higher up is called Matiire. Stanley turned aside 
with all his boats towards the places where many 
of my men had been killed when they were march- 
ing with Salimi bin Muhammed. His caravan now 
proceeded by that river with the steamboats. They 
gave the Major and me a boat to bring us to Stanley 
Falls. So we came to that place. And I had asked 
Stanley for powder, so that I might arm the 500 
men whom I was to provide, if I could get them ; 
but he said : "I cannot spare you any of the 
powder I have, but buy some there at Stanley 
Falls." I had also got Belgian flags, which I was 
to hoist everywhere in the districts which I ruled. 
I hoisted one at Stanley Falls when I arrived, and 
there on the Usoko my men hoisted the flag where- 
ever they came. At Stanley Falls I ran it up on a 
mast. The Major departed, and we took leave of 
each other.' 

On June 25 Barttelot reached Yambuya, and on 
the 28th Stanley began his rapid advance to the 
Albert Nyanza. Before leaving he delivered to 
the commander of the rearguard the following in- 
structions :* 

* ' In Darkest Africa,' vol. i., p. 114. 


' Jun£ 2ith, 1887. 

' To Major Barttelot, etc. 


' As the senior of those officers accompanying me on the 
Emin Pasha Eelief Expedition, the command of this important 
post naturally devolves on you. It is also for the interest of 
the Expedition that you accept this command, from the fact 
that your Sudanese company, being only soldiers and more 
capable of garrison duty than the Zanzibaris, vvill be better 
utilized than on the road. 

' The steamer Stanley left Yambuya on the 22nd of this month 
for Stanley Pool. If she meets with no mischance she ought 
to be at Leopoldville on the 2nd of July. In two days more she 
will be loaded with about 500 loads of our goods, which were 
left in charge of Mr. J. E. Troup. This gentleman will embark, 
and on the 4th of July I assume that the Stanley will commence 
her ascent of the river, and arrive at Bolobo on the 9th. Fuel 
being ready, the 125 men in charge of Messrs. Ward and 
Bonny, now at Bolobo, will embark, and the steamer will con- 
tinue her journey. She wiU be at Bangala on the 19th of July, 
and arrive here on the 31st of July. Of course, the lowness 
of the river in that month may delay her a few days, but, 
having great confidence in her captain, you may certainly 
expect her before the 10th of August. 

' It is the non-arrival of these goods and men which compel 
me to appoint you as commander of this post. But as I shall 
shortly expect the arrival of a strong reinforcement of men, 
greatly exceeding the advance force, which must, at all hazards, 
push on to the rescue of Emin Pasha, I hope you will not be 
detained longer than a few days after the departure of the 
Stanley on her final return to Stanley Pool in August. 

' Meantime, pending the arrival of our men and goods, it 
behoves you to be very alert and wary in the command of this 
stockaded camp. Though the camp is favourably situated and 
naturally strong, a brave enemy would find it no difficult task 
to capture if the commander is lax in discipline, vigour, and 
energy. Therefore I feel sure that I have made a wise choice 
in selecting you to guard our interests here during our absence. 

' The interests now entrusted to you are of vital importance 


to this Expedition. The men you will eventually have under 
you consist of more than an entire third of the Expedition. 
The goods that will be brought up are the currency needed for 
transit through the regions beyond the lakes ; there will be a 
vast store of ammunition and provisions, which are of equal 
importance to us. The loss of these men and , goods would be 
certain ruin to us, and the advance force itself would need to 
solicit relief in its turn. Therefore, weighing this matter well, 
I hope you will spare no pains to maintain order and discipline 
in your camp, and make your defences complete and keep them 
in such a condition that, however brave an enemy may be, he 
can make no impression on them. For this latter purpose I 
would recommend you to make an artificial ditch 6 feet wide, 
3 feet deep, leading from the natural ditch, where the spring 
is round the stockade. A platform, like that on the southern 
side of the camp, constructed near the eastern as well as the 
western gate, would be of advantage to the strength of the 
camp. For remember, it is not the natives alone who may 
wish to assail you, but the Arabs and their followers may, 
through some cause or other, quarrel with you and assail your 

' Our course from here will be due east, or by magnetic 
compass east by south as near as possible. Certain marches 
that we may make may not exactly lead in the direction aimed 
at. Nevertheless, it is the south-west corner of Lake Albert, 
near or at Kavalli, that is our destination. When we arrive 
there we shall form a strong camp in the neighbourhood, launch 
our boat, and steer for Kibero, in Unyoro, to hear from Signor 
Casati, if he is there, of the condition of Bmin Pasha. If the 
latter is alive, and in the neighbourhood of the lake, we shall 
communicate with him, and our after conduct must be guided 
by what we shall learn of the intentions of Emin Pasha. We 
may assume that we shall not be longer than a fortnight with 
him before deciding on our return towards the camp along the 
same road traversed by us. 

' We will endeavour, by blazing trees and cutting saplings 
along our road, to leave sufScient traces of the route taken by 
us. We shall always take, by preference, tracks leading east- 
ward. At all crossings where paths intersect we shall hoe up 


aud make a hole a few inches deep across all paths not used by 
us, besides blazing trees when possible. 

' It may happen, should Tippu-Tib have sent the full number 
of adults promised by him to me, viz., 600 men (able to carry 
loads), and the Stanley has arrived safely with the 125 men left 
by me at Bolobo, that you will feel yourself sufficiently com- 
petent to march the column, with all the goods brought by the 
Stanley and those left by me at Yambuya, along the road pur- 
sued by me. In that event, which would be very desirable, you 
wiU follow closely our route, and before many days we should 
most assuredly meet. No doubt you will find our bonias intact 
and standing, and you should endeavour to make your marches 
so that you could utilize these as you marched. Better guides 
than those homas of our route could not be made. If you do 
not meet them in the course of two days' march you may rest 
assured that you are not on our route. 

' It may happen, also, that though Tippu-Tib has sent some 
men, he has not sent enough to carry the goods with your own 
force. In ihat case you will, of course, use your discretion as 
to what goods you can dispense with to enable you to march. 
For this purpose you should study your list attentively. 

' 1. Ammunition, especially fixed, is most important. 

'2. Beads.'brass wire, cowries and cloth, rank next. 

' 3. Private luggage. 

' 4. Powder and caps. 

' 5. European provisions. 

' 6. Brass rods as used on the Congo. 

' 7. Provisions (rice, beans, peas, millet, biscuits). 

' Therefore you must consider, after rope, sacking, tools, 
such as shovels (never discard an axe or bill-hook), how many 
sacks of provisions you can distribute among your men to 
enable you to march — whether half your brass rods in the 
boxes could not go also and there stop. If you still cannot 
march, then it would be better to make two marches of six 
miles twice over if you prefer marching to staying for our 
arrival, than throw too many things away. 

' With the Stanley's final departure from Yambuya you 
should not fail to send a report to Mr. William Mackinnon, 
c/o Gray, Dawes and Co., 13, Austin Friars, London, of 


what has happened at your camp in my absence, or when I 
started away eastward ; whether you have heard of or from 
me at all, when you do expect to hear, and what you purpose 
doing; You should also send him a true copy of this order, 
that the Belief Committee may judge for themselves whether 
you have acted, or purpose to act, judiciously. 

' Your present garrison shall consist of 80 rifles and from 
40 to 50 supernumeraries. The Stanley is to bring you within 
a few weeks 60 more rifles and 75 supernumeraries, under 
Messrs. Troup, Ward, and Bonny. 

' I associate Mr. J. S. Jameson with you at present. Messrs. 
Troup, Ward, and Bonny will submit to your authority. In the 
ordinary duties of the defence and the conduct of the camp or 
of the march there is only one chief, which is yourself ; but, 
should any vital step be proposed to be taken, I beg you will 
take the voice of Mr. Jameson also. And when Messrs. Troup 
and Ward are here, pray admit them to your confidence, and let 
them speak freely their opinions. 

' I think I have written very clearly upon everything that 
strikes me as necessary. Your treatment of the natives, I 
suggest, should depend entirely upon their conduct to you. 
Suffer them to return to the neighbouring villages in peace, and 
if you can in any manner by moderation, small gifts occasion- 
ally of brass rods, etc., hasten an amicable intercourse, I 
should recommend you doing so. Lose no opportunity of 
obtaining all kinds of information respecting the natives, the 
position of the various villages in your neighbourhood, etc. 
' I have the honour to be, 

' Your obedient servant, 

' Henbt M. Stanley, 

' Commanding Expedition.' 

The pith and marrow of the directions was that, 
whatever happened, the rear column was to follow the 
advance as quickly as possible. Stanley had thought 
it quite within the range of possibility that Tippoo 
Tib would either fail to furnish the promised carriers 
or else not supply enough, and he had fully discussed 


Tippoo Tib's reliability with Barttelot after giving 
the latter his instructions. If this discussion took 
place as Stanley describes, it was clearly pointed 
out in the course of it that absolute reliance could 
not be placed on the Arab. The attempt to make 
a friend of him was a counsel of necessity, for with- 
out his goodwill, after the conflicts that had preceded 
between the Arabs and Belgians, a march through 
the districts to be traversed was impossible. But 
it was a priori doubtful whether, when brought 
within range of the influence of his revengeful 
fellow-tribesmen, he would carry out all the obliga- 
tions he had undertaken, and still more uncertain 
after the disputes that had taken place between the 
European members of the caravan and Tippoo Tib's 
followers, particularly his puffed-up nephew, Salum 
bin Muhammed. 

Beside this, Tippoo Tib had made Barttelot 
almost im.possible promises at parting. He had 
said that he would despatch the 600 men he had 
engaged to supply within nine days. Stanley, who 
knew what the promises of Orientals were, saw at 
once that he would not do so. The Muhammedan, 
when speaking of anything he is going to do in 
the future, always adds, ' In sha Allah.' If he does 
not do it, it is just because God has not willed it. 
When Barttelot, in answer to Stanley's warnings, 
asked in perplexity why on earth they had had any- 
thing to do with the untrustworthy old campaigner, 
the wily American compared his Arab friend to the 
Maxim gun he had with him, which, so long as it 
worked properly, could do very good service, and 
was then of inestimable value. But it might happen 


to break down, owing to defective construction, 
wrong handling, or being tampered with by the 
enemy. In that case one had to trust to the rifles, 
which one also carried. Just so Tippoo Tib, if he 
did not fail through his own falseness, unskilful 
handling, or hostile influence, would be most help- 
fnl to the column. But, if he shoidd be faithless, 
other resources must be forthcoming ; and these in 
this case were his own men, who were with the 
rearguard, or whom, if necessary, they would enlist 
on their own account. 

Stanley's forebodings were only too terribly 
realized. Tippoo Tib did indeed soon send off 
500 men, but they only got as far as the mouth 
of the Aruwimi. That is just the spot where some 
years before Salum bin Muhammed's caravan had 
been massacred. This led their leader, Ali bin 
Muharmned, at once to start on a mock punitive 
expedition. He blazed away all his powder, 
did not dare go any further, and went back to 
Stanley Falls. This first attempt to obtain carriers 
was followed by various others. The ofiicers of the 
rear column were constantly travelling to and fro 
between Yambuya, Stanley Falls, and Kassongo in 
search of Tippoo Tib, whose own concerns took him 
now here, now there, to hold him to the fulfilment of 
his agreement. 

It must not be assumed that he had maliciously 
neglected his engagements, as Stanley tries to make 
out. He had already shown his good intentions 
by getting ready in a remarkably short time 500 
carriers, for whose non-arrival he was not directly 
to blame. Even if gross neglect cotild be brought 


home to him, there is much to be said in his 
defence. The supplying of carriers had not been 
made a primary stipulation of his engagement. He 
was first and foremost Governor of the Stanley 
Falls district, and, as such, had manifold duties, 
which called him this way and that. To-day he 
had to administer justice at Kassongo, to-morrow 
to suppress disorders on the Lomami. In addition 
to this, he was a merchant, and his mercantile 
concerns naturally were more to him than the 
success of Stanley, towards whom he felt himself 
exonerated after having once supplied 500 men. 
And he had obviously no inducement whatever 
to do anything extra for Stanley when his own 
experiences as to Stanley's promises are recol- 

The moral responsibility for the tragic fate of 
the rear cokmm cannot in any way be imputed to 
Tippoo Tib. First and foremost it falls on Stanley 
himself, who left behind a large number of his 
comrades under conditions the difficulties of which 
he knew and with which they showed themselves 
unable to cope. Next, the Europeans in charge of 
the rear column must be pronounced to have shown 
themselves quite incompetent, in face of those diffi- 
culties, when they arose. In the instructions given 
by Stanley the event of the carriers not being 
supplied had been expressly provided for. Should 
it so happen, the rear column was to endeavour, as 
best it could, to get on without outside assistance, 
and to follow by quite short marches. This was 
plainly laid down. Instead of this Barttelot let 
a whole year pass, during which the greater part 


of his men, who at a pinch could have made the 
journey alone, perished miserably. 

At last he had collected a number of carriers 
which seemed to him sufficient, and decided on a 
start on June 14, 1888. In forty-three days' march 
the caravan covered ninety miles, to the village of 
Banalya, a station of Tippoo Tib's, in charge of an 
Arab named AbdaUah Karoni. With him the Major 
quarrelled, and so determined to journey back once 
more to Stanley Falls, which he had visited seven 
times in the course of the year, and complain to 
Tippoo Tib. But he never lived to do so. On the 
morning of July 19 he was treacherously shot by a 
Manyema named Senga, whose wife he had told to 
stop making a noise. For a moment it seemed as 
if this was to be the signal for a general mutiny, 
but Bonny, the only Englishman still with the 
caravan, succeeded in mastering the excitement, 
though he could not prevent several loads being 

Three days later Jameson came up with the last 
of the stragglers. According to the instructions, he 
was now to take over the command. In order to 
make himself quite secure for the future, he deter- 
mined to induce Tippoo Tib himself, by the offer of 
a large sum of money, to lead the caravan on to the 
Albert Nyanza, and for that purpose he betook 
himseK again to Stanley Falls. His arrival there 
and his negotiations with Tippoo Tib are described 
as follows in the autobiography : 

' After a month Jameson appeared and announced 
that the Major had been shot. His murderer was 
Senga, who, however, had escaped. Some other 


men too liad fled, and about ten loads were miss- 
ing. " Bnt," lie went on, " all the rest of the loads 
we have got together under guard at a place where 
there are townships near at hand, and all the rest 
of the people are there. And now I have come to 
ask you to accompany me." That meant myself and 
the Belgians. We asked him : "Why did Senga shoot 
the Major ?" He replied : " Because he forbade him 
to get up a ngoma. And his wanyampara"^^ said : 
' This ngoma is for joy at our starting. Is it right 
for ns to be mournful, as at a funeral ?' Then 
one evening between eight and nine the wives of 
Senga were singing, when the Major suddenly came 
and made passes with a spear at one of them. 
When her husband saw that, he fired at him. That 
is the reason." After four days they brought Senga 
and his wives and children in irons. I handed 
them over to the Belgians, and they asked him : 
" ^Vhy did you shoot the Major?" He replied in 
the same way as Jameson had told us. They 
said : "If anyone set you on, say so, for you will 
be execu.ted anyhow." But he replied : "No one 
set me on ; nor was there any other reason than 
what I have told you." Then the Belgians called 
me and Jameson, told us what Senga had said, and 
gave him iip to Jameson. The latter ordered his 
execution. " But his belongings," he said, " are 
not implicated or to blame." So our slave Senga 
was shot. 

* Jameson begged me to accompany him, but the 
Belgians said : " Hamid bin Muhammed must not 
go away. He is here in the service of the State, and 
* Overseers of the caravan. 



we are under him, so how can he go away ? It 
is in his agreement that he should give you men, 
but not that he is to go with you himself." Then 
Jameson promised to pay 50,000 to 60,000 dollars, 
offering to pay it out of his own money if they 
would not give it in Europe. But the Belgians 
answered him : "If you want Hamed bin Muham- 
med, go to Banana and telegraph. If he gets leave 
to conduct you, you can afterwards agree on his 
salary." ' 

Thereupon Jameson determined to ask at Brussels 
by telegraph, and proceeded down the river to hand 
in the despatch himself. But he only got as far as 
the Lomami, where he fell ill of fever and died. 
Of the remaining Europeans belonging to the 
expedition, Troup had been sent back to Europe 
very ill, while Ward had apparently had differences 
of opinion with the Major, and while waiting for 
the telegraphic instructions of the home Committee 
kept far away from the caravan on the Lower Congo. 

The native portion of the rear column, now under 
Bonny's command, had also shrunk to half its 
numbers through iUness and privation. In this 
woeful plight did Stanley find his reserve, on which 
he had built such great hopes, when he returned 
from the Albert Nyanza to Banalya on August 17, 
1888. After a most arduous march he had safely 
joined the Pasha, on April 29, at Kawalli, on the 
west shore of Albert Nyanza, and, after convincing 
himself that no danger threatened him for the 
moment, returned on June 1 to pick up the 
remainder of the expedition, left behind a year 
before on the Aruwimi. 


Being now sufficiently provided with carriers, he 
returned on January 18, 1889, to the Albert Nyanza, 
and conducted the Pasha, who was very reluctant 
to abandon his post, half against his will, to the 
East Coast, which he reached — at Bagamoyo — on 
December 4. It is well known how Emin, who for 
more than ten years had braved the dangers of 
Central Africa, almost lost his life there by an 
accident. At a banquet given in his honour, the 
day after his arrival, by the German officials, owing 
to his shortsightedness, he fell oiit of the window, 
and sustained a fracture of the skrdl, which kept 
him for a long time on a sick bed. On recovering, 
he entered the service of the new German colony as 
Imperial Commissioner. 




' The old falls down, and time gives way to change, 
And a new life arises from the ruins.' 

ScHiLLEK : Tell. 

When Stanley returned to Banalya in August, 1888, 
h.e at once wrote to Tippoo Tib, inviting him to 
a conference. He, however, could not get away 
himseK, and sent in his stead his nephew, Salum 
bin Muhammed, to confer with the explorer. Stanley 
devotes several pages of his work to their interview, 
but what he wanted of Tippoo Tib is not very clear. 
On the one hand, he demanded that the Arab chief 
should pay him back the passage of himself and his 
men from Zanzibar to Stanley Falls, and replace all 
goods that had been lost, threatening, if neces- 
sary, to enforce his claims with the help of the 
Sultan and the British Consul-General ; on the 
other, a fresh contract seems to be again floating 
before his eyes, which he evidently expects to 
obtain cheaply by putting these demands forward. 

Tippoo Tib, however, refused to be intimidated 
by any threats, and remained in conscious inno- 
cence at his station, which of late had advanced 



mightily as a centre of trade. ' Every month came 
Europeans to the camp in two or three boats, and 
they all took ivory on board — often they had to leave 
some behind. Stanley Falls was quite fuU of Euro- 
peans, and aU that you could wish for was to be 
had there. It was a great port, and everything that 
one desired was to be had. Belgian and French 
trading companies also came there, and everywhere 
flourishing towns arose. And every boat that came 
took on board ivory. 

' And it was at Stanley Falls as on the coast. No 
one sent for anything from Zanzibar, or Tabora, or 
Ujiji ; everything was to be procured on the spot.' 

With the Europeans, especially the Belgians, 
Tippoo Tib Hved on the best of terms. Once the 
Governor himseK visited him to discuss the fixing 
of an ivory tax. Our chronicler declares that the 
Congo State demanded a payment in kind of 5 pounds 
on every frasila (somewhat more than 14 per cent.). 
Tippoo Tib agreed to this for his own ivory, but 
requested that only 3 pounds (about 9 per cent.) 
should be levied from the other Arabs. The request 
was granted, and the Arabs agreed to the arrange- 

I have found no mention elsewhere of any such 
arrangement for taxing Tippoo Tib higher than 
other Arabs ; but, as a fact, about the time he was 
Vali at Stanley Falls a tax in kind of 4 pounds was 
imposed. It is not impossible that, to make his 
fellow-tribesmen better disposed to the tax, he 
allowed himself to be treated less favourably, and 
procured them some mitigation. He eventually 
found ways and means to make his account out of it. 


While he was thus attending to his duties in the 
service of a European Power, he received from home 
the news that his old patron, Seyyid Burghash, was 
dead. He had long been suffering, and ended his 
eventful life on March 27, 1888. The physical 
troubles which made his last years a burden were, 
however, trifling compared with the spiritual suffer- 
ings which darkened the evening of his life. 

Burghash, as is well known, in 1870 ascended 
the throne of his father, left vacant by the eagerly 
expected death of his brother Majid. Like the 
former, the type of an aristocratic Arab and an 
Oriental despot from head to foot, he once more 
revived for his country the days of ancient splendour, 
which seemed to have been buried on the death of 
Said. The forays of his subjects into the dark 
interior, which he followed with interest and sup- 
ported to the best of his power, brought rich 
treasures into the country, of which he took his 
share by levying considerable taxes. On the island 
itseK agriculture, especially the cultivation of the 
clove, was in its fullest prosperity, and the Sultan 
did not content himself with the produce of his own 
plantations, but also laid a heavy tax on the crops 
of his subjects ; 30 per cent, of all cloves had to 
be given over to him. He was also a keen man 
of business, and had a whole fleet of merchant ships 
afloat on the Indian Ocean. 

The ample means thus obtained enabled him to 
display the pomp worthy of an Eastern Prince. The 
palace which he built for himself, and which still 
serves as a residence for his successor, is known, 
on account of its extravagant l"urnishing, as Bet el 


Ajaib, or tlie ' House of Wonders.' Numerous 
country houses, situated in the most beautiful parts 
of the island and still favourite resorts, are also 
his work. He not only shone in outward splen- 
dour, but, like a wise ruler, applied the treasures 
that came flowing to him to further the welfare of 
his subjects. He raised himself a lasting memorial 
by the construction of a magnificent aqtieduct. 
From Khemkhen, an abundant spring to the north 
of the town, he brought down excellent drinking- 
water through miles of pipes, which may be drawn 
to this day by every inhabitant of Zanzibar, free of 
cost, from numberless fountains. 

The days of power and splendour soon went by. 
The Europeans, who till now had stayed in the 
country as peaceful traders or journeyed into the 
interior as harmless explorers, began to become 
politically dangerous, and hence the events which 
we have already touched on in Chapter XH. 
Towards the close of his life Burghash had lost his 
possessions on the mainland, and the time was not 
far distant when the land of his fathers would fall 
wholly under Western control. 

The news of Burghash's death was received by 
Tippoo Tib via Europe, to which it had been tele- 
graphed^ — another sign how the times had changed. 
Two decades before he, like so many of his com- 
patriots, had set out from the East Coast, not 
knowing how the road would end, and, cut off for 
years from conununication with home, had pressed 
further and further towards the west. Now the 
Westerners had advanced from the same quarter 
into the wilderness, whose depths he had pene- 


trated, and there, with the superior discoveries of 
their genius, had secured the sovereignty for them- 
selves. Their steamers phed on the African river 
which had been awaked from its sleep of thousands 
of years, and brought the furthest strongholds of 
the Arab slave-hunters into communication with 
European civilization. 

Tippoo Tib, who was always in favour of good 
relations with his rulers, at once sent to Burghash's 
successor, his brother Khalifa, an embassy to convey 
congratulations to him on his accession to the 
throne, and assure him of the allegiance of his 
influential subject. Tippoo Tib's son Sef had 
shortly before set out for the coast, and could still 
be overtaken by couriers and instructed to appear 
as his father's spokesman before the new Sultan. 

But our hero himself was soon warned in an 
unpleasant manner to return to Zanzibar. The 
King of the Belgians informed him that Stanley had 
made serioiis accusations against him. He was said 
to be guilty of the death of Major Barttelot, and by 
the breach of the duties he had undertaken by 
agreement with Stanley to have caused material 
damage to the expedition led by the latter ; 
Stanley had cited him before the English court at 
Zanzibar ; a great lawsuit was in prospect, and his 
property there had already been sequestrated. A 
legal summons would probably reach him shortly. 

This news startled Tippoo Tib out of his calm, 
and he at once determined to travel to Zanzibar to 
defend himself against the accusations raised against 
him. In March, 1890, he started, after having taken 
a most friendly leave of the Europeans at his station. 


Rashid, the son of his cousin and companion in 
arms Bwana Nzige, was made Vali in his place, 
while two Arab friends were to look after his com- 
mercial interests diiring his absence. 

His fellow-tribesmen at Stanley Falls endeavoured 
in every possible way to hold back Tippoo Tib from 
making the jouroey to the coast ; they feared that it 
might go ill with him before the judgment-seat of 
the Europeans. In the old famihar places, too, 
which he passed through — Nyangwe and Kassongo 
— the worst was prophesied, and he was advised 
rather to let all his property in Zanzibar go, and to 
enjoy his life here among his friends, far beyond 
the reach of the arm of the law. He had quite 
sufficient fortune left in the interior to live 

But Tippoo Tib, in his superior wisdom, flung all 
these well-meant warnings to the winds. To begin 
with, he felt himself innocent, and thought he would 
be able to prove it on the coast. Secondly, he said 
to himself that, if the decision should really go 
against him, as things then stood he would not be 
safe from the vengeance of the Europeans, even in 
the farthest depths of the interior. Whom should 
he call to his aid against the firearms of the white 
men ? What sort of warriors the Manyema were he 
had learnt years before, when with a iandful of 
riflemen he conquered the tribes one after another, 
divided as they were by internal dissensions. He 
had meanwhile seen with his own eyes the superior 
power of the Europeans, and knew that nothing 
could be done against them with such undisciplined 
savages as he had at command. 


He seems to have been very outspoken with the 
Arabs who were besetting him, and flung about him 
such expressions as ' nonsense ' and ' silly fools.' 

When even his friend Bwana Nzige urged him to 
resist the Europeans, his patience gave way alto- 
gether, and he rejoined quite tragically : ' Do you, 
too, speak in this wise ? I always took you for a 
sensible man, and now you talk like that !' 

On his way to Tanganyika, Tippoo Tib met 
Msabbah bin Njem, the Vali of that district, by whom 
he was told that Rtimalisa, whose headquarters were 
at Ujiji, was arming to attack the Europeans west 
of the lake. Captain Jaques had started on an 
expedition thither for the Belgian Anti-slavery 
Society, and all Arab slave-traders felt their most 
particular interests threatened by his appearance. 
It was easy for Rumalisa, with the hatred towards 
Europeans which, even apart from this provocation, 
was seething in them, to find nmnerous adherents 
for his hostile plans. 

Tippoo Tib had heard before this of the intentions 
of his vassal, and had energetically enjoined on him 
to refrain from all hostilities. In Mtoa he met him, 
and learned to his delight that nothing had come 
of the purposed attack. Rumalisa had indeed, in 
defiance of the commands of Tippoo Tib, made all 
preparations for fighting ; btit the boat that was 
to bring the necessary powder across Tanganyika 
luckily let in the water, and so he was forced to 
abstain from a struggle which would have damaged 
the interests of the Arabs at least as much as those 
of the Belgians. I^ater on, when Tippoo Tib was 
out of the country, Rumalisa renewed the abortive 


attack, and by so doing initiated a period of severe 
conflicts, in which much blood was shed, and in the 
end the power of his fellow-tribesmen was totally 

Tippoo Tib, who still considered himself in the 
service of the Eang of the Belgians, in accordance 
with the instructions he had received hoisted the 
bkie flag with the golden star, then crossed 
Tanganyika, and marched from Ujiji towards the 
home of his fathers, Tabora. 

On the way he received letters from Zanzibar, 
among them the summons from the court already 
annoiinced. Stanley had brought an action for 
90,000 dollars (about £11,000) damages, and the 
English judge, Cracknall, informed him that unless 
he put in an appearance before the court within 
six months, judgment would be given against him. 

A curious item in this summons was the fact that 
the Arabic text gave as plaintiffs ' Emin Pasha and 
his people,' of course meaning the Relief Com- 
mittee. In any case the wording was calculated to 
bring about misunderstandings, and the Pasha, as 
soon as he learned the misuse of his name, issued a 
public declaration stating that he had nothing what- 
ever to do with the suit ; that, on the contrary, he 
had parted with Tippoo Tib's people, who had 
escorted him to the coast, on the best of terms. 
This declaration was sent in print to all Arabs of 
consequence in Zanzibar, and a document of similar 
tenour was sent to Tippoo Tib as well. 

Emin Pasha was known to all those who had 
become intimate with him as particularly touchy, 
and had often shown plainly that he was capable of 


being seriously aggrieved over the veriest trifles, 
lu this case, hovrever, more was at issue. He had 
just entered the service of the German Empire, and 
was on the point of beginning a long journey to the 
interior. When it was made to appear through the 
summons, read with interest by all Arabs, that he 
was at grievous feud with Tippoo Tib, the un- 
crowned rider of Central Africa, he had reason to 
expect the greatest hindrances on his journey, and 
so it is not to be wondered at that he did all he 
could to set right erroneous surmises which might 
attach to the wording of that summons. 

That the English judge purposely designated the 
plaintiffs so ambiguously can scarcely be conceived, 
although to the end of his life he was a deadly 
hater of Germans and was no well-wisher of Emin. 
At all events, when his attention was drawn 
to the doubtfulness of the wording, he did nothing 
to dispel any doubts that might attach to it. 

At Unyanyembe Tippoo Tib could feel himself 
once more at home. His old friend Mirambo had 
indeed been dead some years, and his brother, who 
succeeded him, Mpanda Sharo, had also died 
meanwhile. The present ruler was a son of 
Mirambo's, who kept up the old friendship of his 
father for Tippoo Tib, and received him respectfully, 
as his father would have done. At the English 
mission-house near Tabora a hospitable reception 
was also accorded him. 

The changes which our hero this time found on 
his return in his native district were far greater 
than those which met his eyes on his previous visit. 
In order to depict them we must connect them with 


the events at whicli we broke off in Chapter XII. 
— the historical description of the German acquisi- 
tions in East Africa. 

In April, 1888, Seyyid Khalifa signed the treaty 
by which the coast of our present colony was leased 
out to the German East African Company. Besides 
the control of the Customs, all the sovereign rights 
hitherto exercised by the Sultan, especially that 
of justice, were transferred to the Company, which, 
as an external mark of its power, hoisted its own 
flag at all the places it occupied beside the red 
banner of the Sultan. In spite of the artistic 
design of the flag, which, in addition to the German 
colours, bears the Southern Cross as a crest — this 
outward act of ' taking seisin ' was not at once 
followed by the actual subjugation of the territory 

The native population from the first viewed 
their new masters with distrust. What was 
said before about the behaviour of the Tabora 
Arabs to the German merchants was here, in an 
increased degree, true of the whole population of 
the coast as regards the officials of the Company. 
To the jealousy of competition was added the fear 
of ere long falling wholly under the sway of the 
Europeans, who, according to their view, would put 
a stop to much that hitherto had been a matter of 
course : in the first place, the slave-trade, by which, 
directly or indirectly, almost the whole population 
lived — the Arabs and Swahilis by going out on 
raids and making profit out of the sale of the slaves 
carried off, the Indians by supplying at a high 
price the powder necessary for these expeditions 


and advancing the other goods needed for such 
enterprises at a high rate of interest. 

The discontent which was fermenting in all was 
easily stirred np by those elements, which had 
most to lose if greater order became generally 
prevalent. Among these were, above all, the many 
officials of the Sultan who had hitherto drawn a 
comfortable extra income from bribes and cheating 
the Customs, and saw themselves suddenly robbed 
of it. Then there were the local chiefs who had 
unconditionally recognised the overlordship of the 
Sultan, and now felt themselves threatened by the 
foreigners settled on the coast ; these, too, were easily 
induced to join movement against the interlopers. 
A convenient incitement in the universal indigna- 
tion was religion, indifferent as the East African 
generally is to his soul's welfare. It was also alleged 
that the officers of the Company did not always 
show tact in dealing with the natives. They were 
mostly yoimg and placed among unfamiliar con- 
ditions, so that blunders were likely to occur. 
Yet it may be confidently asserted that even the 
wisest and most temperate conduct would not have 
checked the movement. 

The Sultan, who had only agreed to the coast 
treaty under compulsion, did nothing to quiet the 
disturbed spirits ; on the contrary, he undoubtedly 
regarded the incipient hostilities with complacency, 
and as far as lay in his power supported the 
resistance"*' of the people of the coast to the new 

* Cf. for what follows Rochus Schmidt, ' Geschichte des 
Araberaufstandes in Ostafrika.' 


The first open resistance was offered in August, 
1888, at Pangani, where the Sultan's Vali tried to 
prevent the hoisting of the Company's flag. The 
appearance of two men-of-war, the MiJwe and the 
Carola, restored tranquillity for the tinae being ; 
but hardly were they gone when the two officers 
of the Company were made prisoners in their 
own house by the natives, and were only saved 
with difficulty by the intervention of the English- 
man Mathews, the Sultan's well-known general 
and subsequently Prime Minister of Zanzibar. At 
Tanga and Bagamoyo also hostilities broke out 
in September. The soul of the rising was the 
Arab Bushir bin Salum el Harthi, who had won 
warlike fame in successful struggles with Mirambo, 
and even by armed resistance to Sultan Burghash. 
He also stirred up Bwana Heri, the influential 
Sultan of Useguha, the hinterland of Saadani, to 
resistance. The Company was quite powerless in 
face of the gathering rising ; the German men-of- 
war could, of course, only intervene at the larger 
ports and were unable to enforce a lasting peace. 
Except Bagamoyo and Dar-es-salaam, the whole north 
coast had to be given up, and at the end of the year 
the south also fell to the rebels. At Lindi and 
Mikindani the officers of the Company, when all 
resistance seemed hopeless, were just barely able 
to save themselves, while at Kilwa two brave 
officials paid for their heroic defence of the post 
entrusted to them with their lives. 

Meanwhile, people at home had recognized that if 
they did not mean wholly to give up the German cause 
in the new regions, the Empire must adopt energetic 


measures. After brief negotiations with England 
and Portugal, our neighbours in East Africa, it 
was determined to blockade the entire coast be- 
tween 10° 28' and 2° 10' of south latitude, so as to 
prevent the importation of munitions of war. This 
blockade was opened on December 2 by the 
German and English admirals Deinhardt and Fre- 
mantle. A further decisive step was taken when, 
on January 30, 1889, the Reichstag adopted a Bill* 
by which a sum of 2,000,000 marks was placed 
at the disposal of the State for the effectual pro- 
tection of German interests in East Africa, and it 
was decided to entrust the carrying out of the 
necessary measures to an Imperial Commissioner. 

To this post, as we know. Captain Hermann 
Wissmann was nominated. He had first made his 
reputation as an explorer by crossing the Dark 
Continent from west to east, as was mentioned in 
Chapter X., and during the years 1883-1885 had 
made successful journeys of exploration in the 
Congo Basin, while an expedition at the end of that 
year to the south of the newly-founded Congo State, 
forced on him against his will by the attitude 
of the Arabs, who were then at war with the 
Belgians, had been prolonged into a second cross- 
ing of Africa. After having thus, with short 
intervals, spent almost eight years of activity in 
the interior, he returned home in the summer of 
1888. He had then been selected, together with 

* In order to secure a majority in the Eeichstag, the question 
of slavery was skilfully tacked to it. This secured the votes of 
the Centre. The same tactics had been previously adopted by 
Bismarck to force England to join in the blockade. 


Dr. Peters, to lead the expedition planned by tlie 
Germans for the relief of Emin Pasha, but at the 
last moment it was still possible to secure him for the 
post of Commissioner. 

The preparations for the suppression of the rising 
were made with the utmost speed. At Wiss- 
mann's suggestion, native African tribes were 
employed, under the command of German officers 
and non-commissioned officers. With the assent of 
the Egyptian Government, 700 Soudanese were 
enlisted, and, after negotiations with Portugal, 100 
Zulus. The Europeans appointed were twenty-one 
officers (including surgeons and officials) and forty 
non-commissioned officers. 

On March 21, 1889, Wissmann reached Zanzibar, 
and from there, after a short stay with the leader of 
the German squadron, Admiral Deinhardt, pro- 
ceeded to the mainland. On April 28, after an agree- 
ment concluded with the principal representative of 
the German East African Company, M. de St. Paul 
lUaire, the entire control of the Company's territory, 
exclusive of the Customs, was handed over to the 
Imperial Commissioner. On April 29 the first 
transport, with the Soudanese, reached Bagamoyo. 
On May 6 all the fighting force was assembled, and 
then followed in rapid succession the warlike 
incidents by which the resistance of the rebels was 
gradually broken. 

On May 8 Bushiri's fortified camp near Bagamoyo 
was stormed, though he himself unfortunately 
escaped. Bwana Heri's headquarters at Saadani, 
which had been previously bombarded by the naval 
force without definite result, fell on June 6. Pangani 



fell on July 9, and about the same time Tanga was 
taken by tbe sailors. Meanwhile various attempts 
had been made to enter into peaceful negotiations 
with the rebels, but they led to no result. Sleman 
bin Nasor el Lemki, later well known in Europe as 
the Vali of Dar-es-Salaam, had been sent by the 
Commissioner to Pangani to treat with the Arabs 
there, but was received with musket shots and 
could not land. Tippoo Tib's son Sef . also tried in 
vain to make himself useful. Coming from the 
interior, he had reached the coast near Saadani with 
a great caravan of ivory, and with Wissmann's per- 
mission had taken on his treasures to Zanzibar. At 
Wissmann's request, he returned to Saadani to induce 
Bwana Heri to accept peace, but was not suc- 

When Bushiri saw his power broken on the coast 
he withdrew further into the interior and attacked 
the town of Mpapwa, where the German East 
African Company had a settlement. This he 
destroyed. Wissmann followed him with a large 
force, reached Mpapwa on October 10, and estab- 
lished there a fresh and strongly fortified station. 

Bushiri meanwhile had made off again. He had 
found numerous adherents among the warlike 
Wahehe and Mafiti, and hastened now to make use of 
the Commissioner's absence for a fresh advance on 
the coast. He had already penetrated as far as 
Usaramo, and his hordes had there practised the 
most inhuman cruelties, when Wissmann's lieutenant, 
Freiherr von Gravenreuth, advanced against him 
from Dar-es-Salaam. Near the township of Yombo 
he inflicted a serious defeat on the insurgents, but 


Busliiri again escaped. His auxiliaries, however, 
deserted him, and at length, after he had once more 
barely escaped with his life in an attack on the 
village of Masiro, Jumhen Magaya succeeded in 
taking him prisoner at Kwa Mkoro, on the borders 
of Ngiiru. The chief. Dr. Sclxoaidt, took him to 
Pangani, where he was hanged on December 15. 

It now became necessary to break down the re- 
sistance of the powerful Bwana Heri, who was arm- 
ing afresh in the hinterland of Saadani. A detach- 
ment sent out to reconnoitre imder Rochus Schmidt 
on December 27 came unexpectedly at Mlembula on 
a strongly fortified boma in the bush, whose existence 
had hitherto been unknown. An attack on it was 
repulsed, whereupon Wissmann assembled all the 
fighting forces at his disposal for a fresh advance, 
and on January 3, 1890, after a furious conflict, 
stormed the stronghold, which proved itself a model 
of African fortification. 

Bwana Heri escaped, and assembled his troops at 
Palamakaa, a village five hours' march from Saadani, 
for further resistance. There he held out for some 
time against various attacks, but at last, on March 9, 
was a second time defeated by Wissmann. Though it 
proved impossible to secure his person, his resistance 
was now broken. His ammunition and provisions 
were almost exhausted, so that he no longer showed 
himself inaccessible to the proposals of peace made 
him through Sleman bin Nasor. In April he 
formally submitted to the Commissioner, who 
forgave him the past, in the hope that his influence 
over the numerous natives he ruled might in the 
future further the German cause. Though this 



hope was not realized in the long-run, it was of 
great advantage at that critical time to have gained 
him even as a temporary ally. 

The winning back of the north soon followed the 
reconquest of the south. The towns of Mikindani 
and Sudi submitted voluntarily, and here again it 
was Sleman bin Nasor who successfully conducted 
the negotiations. The services which he rendered 
to the German cause in those dark days should 
never be forgotten. The ports of Kilwa and Lindi 
were occupied early in May, after bombardment 
from the sea, and received permanent garrisons. A 
station was also established at Mikindani. The 
suppression of the rising was thus complete, and at 
the end of the month Wissmann was able to go 
home on leave, so as to restore his health, which had 
been sorely injured by fourteen months' continual 

In the meantime measures had been taken at 
Berhn to secure international recognition for the 
African territories just purchased with German 
blood. As a supplement to the London Convention 
of November 1, 1886, a new treaty was concluded 
with England, by which the colonies of German and 
British East Africa were constituted in their 
present shape. 

Great Britain undertook to exert all her influence 
to induce the Sultan by friendly means to cede the 
strip of coast still belonging to him for a reasonable 
compensation. Germany in return recognised the 
British protectorate over the possessions retained 
by the Sultan, including Zanzibar and Pemba, 
and left to British influence the territory of 


Witu, to wliich Germany had acquired certain 
rights by compacts with its Sultan. The n-umerous 
claims renounced by Grermany in Africa were com- 
pensated by the cession of the island of Heligoland. 
This British protectorate over the Sultan's territory 
was proclaimed on November 4, 1890. 

As is well known, the compact was generally 
regarded as a heavy blow to our colonial pohcy. 
Above all, those who knew the conditions from their 
own observation regretted that we had left to the 
English the island of Zanzibar, which extended in 
front of our coast-line, and the city of the same name. 
It is no part of this work to criticize the provisions 
of that treaty, but this one fact should be pointed 
out — that at this day the port of Zanzibar commands 
the whole East African coast ; that all the larger 
Grerman firms, with the German East African Com- 
pany and the German East African Line at their head, 
have their principal establishments there. Zanzibar 
must be of greater consequence to our coast than 
the island of Bomhohn to the shores of the Baltic. 
This parallel was drawn in the pamphlet in defence 
of the Anglo-German agreement. 

The amount of the compensation that the Sultan 
was to receive for the cession of the littoral was 
fixed by an exchange of notes between the German 
and British Governments at £200,000 in gold, 
payable in London by the expiration of the year 
1890. The sum was raised by the German East 
African Company, which for this purpose, as well as 
for the necessary capital expenditure for agricultural 
purposes, received the privilege of issuing bonds to 
bearer to the amount of 10,556,000 marks. This 


was settled in an agreement on November 20, by 
which the relations between the Government and 
the Company were regulated. The chief stipulation 
of this compact was that from the date of payment 
of the indemnity the Company transferred all its 
sovereign rights obtained by treaty with the Sultan 
of Zanzibar to the Empire. The latter in turn 
undertook for a considerable number of years to pay 
the Company 600,000 marks annually out of the 
proceeds of the Customs, and granted it, in addition, 
a great number of proprietary rights. 

In fulfilment of these stipulations, on January 1, 
1891, the Empire took over the government of the 
newly-estabhshed colony, to which Freiherr von 
Soden, hitherto Governor of Cameroon, was appointed. 
On March 22 Wissmann's troops were transformed 
into Imperial Constabulary, while on July 1 the 
management of the Customs also passed into the 
hands of the Colonial Government. 

After an orderly state of affairs had thus been 
established in the coastal districts, the question 
arose how to extend German influence further into 
the interior. To follow the various stages of this 
development lies outside the scope of our work ; we 
wiU content ourselves with briefly describing how 
Tippoo Tib's native land, Unyanyembe, was incor- 
porated in the German dominions. 

We have already mentioned that Emin, after 
recovering from his serious accident at Bagamoyo, 
placed his services at the disposal of the Imperial 
Government. On April 26, 1890, he set out from 
Bagamoyo with two ofl&cers (Langheld and Dr. 
Stuhlmaim), two imder-officers, 100 coloured soldiers, 


and 400 armed carriers, to bring the district about 
the lakes under Geiman control. The intention 
was to diverge from Mpapwa north-westward to the 
Victoria Nyanza, without touching Tabora. This 
was the express wish of Wissmann, who knew the 
balance of power between the Arabs there fi-om his 
own observation, and was afraid that the appear- 
ance of Emin's comparatively slender force would 
evoke unnecessary alarm, and so hinder a better- 
equipped advance at a more convenient time. 
Want of carriers, however, and the need of com- 
pleting his articles of barter, forced the Pasha, 
contrary to the original plan, to make for the Arab 
ent re-pot. The hostilities dreaded did not occur ; on 
the contrary, before reaching Tabora Emin received 
a missive from the Arabs begging him to hoist the 
German flag in their town. 

The victories of Wissmann over the insurgents 
had naturally not remained unknown here in the 
interior. Every native knew that the coast had fallen 
into German hands, and also realized that if he fell 
out with the masters of that coast all the treasures 
that he had stored up at a distance would retain 
little commercial value, and that whoever ven- 
tured along the accustomed homeward path in 
defiance of the new rulers was simply throwing his 
life away. Those who still wished to ignore these 
facts had shortly before had their eyes opened by the 
example of the murderer Muhammed bin Kasum. 
Thus their own shrewdness bade the Arabs be on 
good terms with the Germans. It happened very 
fortunately, moreover, that an influential trader who 
was devoted to Wissmann, the Beluchi Ismael, had 


arrived at Tabora shortly before Emin. Thanks 
very largely to his powers of persuasion, the Arabs 
of their own accord solicited German protection. 
The only one who struggled energetically against 
the new sovereignty was the chief Sike, but even 
his opposition was at length broken down by the 
insistence of the Arabs. 

On August 1 Emin hoisted the German flag at 
Tabora. He concluded a convention with the Arabs, 
in which they expressly acknowledged German rule 
in Unyanyembe, but were granted the right of 
choosing a Vali for themselves. They were 
unanimous in favour of the ' Besar ' Sef bin Saad, 
who afterwards, when a station was established at 
Tabora, submitted to its jurisdiction, and has filled 
the post assigned him by the confidence of his 
fellow-tribesmen to the satisfaction of the Colonial 
Government up to the present day.* 

The new protectors were not long in want of 
opportunities for armed interference, in favour 
of their subjects. The marauding Wangoni were 
once more on the warpath, and had penetrated into 
the adjoining territory of Urambo. The German 
commander Freiherr von Biilow, who had joined the 
expedition from Mpapwa with twenty-five men, was 
sent to meet them, and at first tried to treat with 
the assailants. When this failed and the Wangoni 
only advanced in thicker swarms, he appealed to the 
Pasha for support, which he received in the shape 
of Lieutenant Langheld with seventy men, and 
marched against the enemy, with 2,000 Urambo 
men at his back as well. Four days' fighting 
* Sef has since died. 


(September 9 to 12) ended in the route of the 

The Pasha had meanwhile marched o£E in the 
direction of the Victoria Nyanza, and Langheld, 
when the fight was over, sent his men after him, 
remaining behind himself to wait for a further 
expedition sent into the lake region under the 
Irishman Stokes and Lieutenant Sigl. Freiherr 
von Billow remained for the present at Urambo. 
Here he was visited by Tippoo Tib, who had reached 
the territory of Unyanyembe shortly before the 
Pasha's departure. The Arabs, among whom 
Billow seems to have been considered a particularly 
stern master, had indeed warned him against this 
visit, on the principle, ' Never go to your Prince 
when you are not summoned.' But the missionary 
who had received him so kindly, Dr. Shaw, known, 
on account of his lean little figure, by the name of 
Mzara Mkiuno,* had persuaded him that a man of his 
importance might venture into the lion's den. And 
Tippoo Tib went, and cannot find words to express 
his praise of the honourable reception prepared for 
him by the man to whom even the Vali of Tabora 
went with trembling. ' We asked each other after 
our health, and he offered me tea and coffee. When 
I left I pitched my camp at the watering-place near 
him. He sent me all sorts of things and seven 
oxen to make me quite content.' 

Our hero is always happy when he can dilate as 
lengthily as possible on his good relations with 
Europeans, less in order to proclaim his loyalty 
than to display the diplomatic penetration with 

♦ A Kinyamwezi expression, meaning ' hunger in the back.' 


which he, first among his countryraen, recognized 
the superior power of the Westerners and the value 
of being on good terms with them. 

As Billow was recalled from his post soon after 
Tippoo Tib's arrival, they determined to travel to 
the coast together. But when all was prepared for 
a start, Tippoo Tib was attacked by acute dysentery, 
which stretched him for a long time on a bed of 
sickness. For four months he hovered between life 
and death, and it was only through the untiring care 
of the White Fathers at Kipalapala that he eventu- 
ally recovered. Scarcely had he recovered than 
he set out to appear as soon as possible before the 
English court. On the day after the Pilgrims' 
Festival of 1308 (end of July, 1891) he left Tabora, 
though still so weak that he had to be carried on a 
litter. After two days he was jiist able to mount a 
donkey. It is a remarkable fact, worthy of special 
notice, that this was the first time that he had used 
any animal for riding ; his previous long journeys 
had all been covered on foot. 

At Mpapwa the missionaries told him a strange 
story of his friend Stanley. He had, it appears, 
spread the report in Europe that Jameson had 
bought a girl slave at Yambtiya, and in his presence 
had her killed and devoured by the Manyema. The 
story naturally evoked general indignation, and 
Jameson's widow went herself with her brother- 
in-law to Africa to collect on the spot proofs of 
the groundlessness of the accusations made against 
her late husband. While Mrs. Jameson remained 
behind at Zanzibar, her brother-in-law equipped an 
expedition to meet Tippoo Tib, and question him as 


to what he knew of the matter. He turned back, 
however, at Mpapwa, presumably because he was 
by then fully convinced that the whole horrible 
story, by which his brother's good name had been 
endangered, was a malevolent fabrication. 

Doctunentary evidence as to this episode is un- 
happily not at my disposal, but it is mentioned also 
by the well-known writer Henryk Sienkiewicz, who 
was staying at Zanzibar at the same time as Mrs. 
Jameson, in his ' Letters from Africa ' (pp. 114 
et seq.) — the silliest work, I may remark, that was 
ever written on African matters. He reports that 
Jameson had been universally condemned on the 
strength of Stanley's story, which was believed, and 
that the position of his widow in the English com- 
munity was a most painful one. 

Tippoo Tib was beside himself when he heard of 
these accusations, and gave vent to his feelings in 
the following terms : ' The story is a lie. I was not 
there, but neither saw nor heard anything of it tiU 
to-day among you. That he — Jameson — could do 
such a thing is absolutely impossible. Or do you 
think that I would tolerate such a thing? But 
I have never seen a European or any other being 
that could lie like this fellow. And how can the 
people judge whether he is lying ?' 

And he went on furiously soliloquizing : ' All the 
great kindnesses that I showed him were not enough 
for him — by way of thanks he wants to drown me 
now as well. I had a specimen in the promises 
that he made me : " When I get to Europe I do not 
know what I shall not give you, for I shall obtain 
boundless wealth and great influence." And he 


sent me his photograph ! And when we met again 
he presented me at Cape Town with a dog. I at 
once passed it on to Jameson. It was a wretched 
little dog. I knew that he was a liar. No, it was 
not enough for him to malign me after his cheating. 
He maligned a dead man — Jameson — as well.' 

On the further march through Usagara, Tippoo 
Tib received a letter from the Governor, inviting 
him to a consultation. He reached the coast at 
Bagamoyo, and was, as he again proudly mentions, 
received with high honour by the Head of the District, 
Schmidt. Then Freiherr von Soden came himself 
to fetch him to Dar-es-Salaam, the new capital. 
After he had stayed there a few days he crossed to 

The period appointed by the court had, of 
course, long since expired, but of all the threats 
that had been set forth in its summons none 
had come to pass. Stanley had failed in his 
accusations, and his own agent, the representative 
of Smith, Mackenzie and Co., invited Tippoo Tib to 
his house, where a joint document was signed, by 
which Tippoo Tib and Stanley withdrew their 
respective demands. The matter was thus finally 
settled. ' But few Europeans inquired about it, 
owing to Stanley's lies in the Jameson affair.' 



' As if whipped by invisible spirits, the sun-horses of Time 
break away with the light chariot of our fate, and nothing is 
left us but bravely and calmly to hold fast the reins, and guide 
the wheels now right, now left, to avoid here a stone and there 
an overthrow. Whither the way lies, who knows ? He 
scarcely remembers whence he came.'- — ^Gobthe : Egmont. 

Since that time Tippoo Tib lias made no more 
joTirneys to tlie interior ; he was spared the spectacle 
of the complete collapse of the Arab power in the 
districts he had ruled. As mentioned in the previous 
chapter, Emin had on August 1 hoisted the German 
flag at Tabora, and soon after Lieutenant Sigi estab- 
lished a permanent station there. His position was 
not an easy one, for the Arabs, who at first readily 
accepted the German domination, had been enraged 
to the utmost by the news that the Pasha had 
executed several of their countrymen on the Victoria 
Nyanza, and through them the chief Sike, who 
had only submitted unwillingly, was once more 
encouraged to resistance. 

As long as Sigl himself was head of the station 
peace was at least outwardly preserved. After he 
was relieved Sike proceeded to open hostilities. On 
Jujie 6, 1892, an attempt was made by Sigl's suc- 



cessor, Dr. Schwesinger, with the aid of the anti- 
slavery expedition under Count Schweinitz, which 
was there at the time, to storm Quikuru, the chief's 
boma; but it failed, and various subsequent engage- 
ments brought no decided success. At length, on 
January 13, 1893, Lieutenant Prince succeeded, after 
a fierce fight, in storming Sike's stronghold, when 
the chief himself and many of his adherents lost their 
lives by an explosion. 

It is worthy of mention that during these con- 
flicts Tippoo Tib's stepmother, Nyaso, constantly 
showed herself well disposed towards the Germans ; 
indeed, she actively supported the last decisive 
assault by supplying eighty carriers. 

Upon Sike's death the German rule in Tabora 
was permanently established. Sigl, who soon after- 
wards again took over the control of the station, 
could now proceed to extend our influence further 
westward. The road to Tanganyika was by no 
means secure, and complaints of the plundering of 
caravans were still constantly coming in ; mmierous 
local chiefs were at feud with each other, and so 
caused disorder in their own and the neighbouring 
territories. To add to this came the announcement 
that Muhammed bin Khalfan Rumalisa, the so-called 
Vali of Ujiji, in the presence of a numerous gather- 
ing, had torn up and trampled upon a German 
flag presented to him by Emin, with threats of 
war to the knife against the Germans. He was 
also suspected — with good reason, as it afterwards 
proved — of having supported the rebel Sike with an 
armed force shortly before the decisive encounter. 
His troops, however, were surprised by natives on 


their entry into Urambo ; 200 men were slaughtered, 
and the rest took to flight. 

The Wahehe, too, who on August 17, 1891, 
treacherously destroyed a strong expedition under 
von Zalewski, commander of the constabtdary, Avere, 
according to Tippoo Tib's statements, supported by 

In order to take advantage as far as possible of 
the widespread impression produced by the defeat 
of Sike, Sigl determined to march at once to Tangan- 
yika in person. He left. Tabora on June 19, restored 
order everywhere on the way, reconciled various 
Sultans to the German rule, and reached Ujiji on 
July 24. A day's march short of that place the 
Arabs came to meet him and assure him of their 
loyalty. He hoisted the German flag at Ujiji, and 
set up Msabbah bin Nyem el Shehebi as Vali, with 
the consent of the inhabitants. 

Rumalisa had thought it better not to await the 
arrival of the German leader. True, in numerous 
letters he had given expression to his unalterable 
friendship ; but he must have had a bad conscience 
with regard to his former intrigues, for, without 
informing his fellow-tribesmen, he crossed the 
lake in a small boat, and, as we shall see later, 
gave much trouble to the Belgians, whom no less 
than the Germans he regarded as his natural 

This expedition of Sigl's effectively subdued the 
German sphere of interest as far as its extreme 
western frontier. Meanwhile the Belgians had not 
been idle in making their control a reahty in all the 
districts reserved for them. In the south, during 


the years 1891-1892, the expeditions of Stairs, 
Delcomxaune, and Bia subjugated the territory of 
Katanga ; in order to secure tlae north and north- 
east as well, the explorer Van Kerkhove in 1890 
made an expedition from Stanley Pool as far as the 
frontier of Wadelai. On the upper Aruwimi he 
had many conflicts with slave-stealers, on whom, 
being provided with an excellent military equipment, 
he inflicted crushing defeats. The tidings of them 
roused the anger of the Arabs established on the 
middle Congo, who were aU more or less connected 
with the traders, and felt that the damage done to 
the latter in their calling must seriously affect them- 
selves. Mwinyi Mohara, the head of the slave- 
traders at Nyangwe, stirred up a general rising, 
and at his instigation, in May, 1892, the European 
Hodister, who lay with a trading expedition on the 
Congo, south of Stanley Falls, was murdered. The 
events that resulted from this act of violence, and 
ended in the total coUapse of the Arab power to the 
west of Tanganyika as well, are thus described by 
Tippoo Tib : 

' The Belgians, in order to avenge Hodister's 
death, called on Sef, who, as all knew, represented 
his father at Stanley Falls, to take arms against 
Mvdnyi Mohara. Sef, who by open hostility towards 
that influential slave- and ivory-trader Avould, of 
course, have alienated all his fellow-tribesmen, 
replied that he could not venttire on such an im- 
portant step without consulting his father. There- 
upon the Belgians broke off the negotiations, and 
came to terms with Ngongo Luteta. ' 

This man was, as may be remembered, a slave of 


Tippoo Tib's, and had been placed by his master 
as his representative in his most especial domain of 
Utetera, between the Lomami and the Congo. After 
Tippoo Tib's departure from Stanley Falls, he 
became fairly independent, and ventured on various 
raids into the territory on the left bank of the 
Lomami. The Belgians, therefore, made war on 
him, and after he had been several times defeated, 
in the middle of 1892 he submitted to Commandant 
Dhanis, Avho then established a military post in 
the immediate neighbourhood of his chief town, 

Sef — so Tippoo Tib declares — knew nothing of the 
peace between Ngongo Luteta and the Belgians. 
He was indignant that a vassal of his father's, after 
committingvarious other acts outside his prerogative, 
should have carried on war on his own account. He 
tried several times to indiice Ngongo Luteta to give 
way, but the latter simply had Sef's messengers 
knocked on the head. Sef thus found himself com- 
pelled to advance in arms against the recalcitrant 
slave. Then, to his astonishment, the Belgians, 
towards whom he had no hostile intentions, suddenly 
intervened on behalf of Ngongo Luteta. He was 
thus forced into war with them against his will and 
simply through a misunderstanding. 

So Tippoo Tib, cautiously as he expresses him- 
self, throws the blame of beginning hostilities on 
the Belgians, who conspired with his vassal behind 
his son's back. It is hardly conceivable that Sef, 
who, as successor to his father at Stanley Falls, was 
in the closest touch with the Government of the Free 
State, could have been ignorant of the rapprochement 



between Ngongo Luteta and the Belgians ; more 
especially, the fact that Dhanis had established a 
station near Ngandu cannot have remained unknown 
to him, and must have given him matter for reflection. 
Tippoo Tib's account is obviously the outcome of a 
desire to relieve his son of the responsibility for 
events which he himself doubtless deeply regretted. 

It has often been contended that Tippoo Tib as 
Vali of the Congo State always played a double 
game, but proofs have not yet been adduced of this 
imputation. When he accepted the appointment 
offered him by Stanley, he certainly did so with the 
intention of rescuing whatever was possible in the 
districts he had once ruled over. That he could not 
hold these by force of arms against the Belgians as 
they pressed forward from the West he had long 
since convinced himself, knowing as he did the 
superior resources of the Europeans ; nor did the 
temporary successes which during his absence the 
Arabs achieved in their struggle with the Belgians 
lead him astray on that head. He knew that after 
the loss of their station they would come with a 
fresh mihtary levy, and recover their lost ground 
with interest. Thus it remained, as matters stood, 
the most advantageous plan for the Arabs to live 
at peace with the Europeans as long as they pos- 
sibly could. There was business enough stiU to be 
done in little frequented regions of boundless 
extent. There was ivory everywhere in rich abun- 
dance, and the new masters could not at one blow 
sweep away the lucrative slave trade. 

It was certainly not an easy position which Tippoo 
Tib occupied as intermediary between the two con- 


flicting elements, but the respect he enjoyed among 
his countrymen as a member of an old Arab family 
and the lord of thousands of slaves, the superior 
astuteness Avith which he always recognised the right 
course, and the steadiness of old age, which kept 
him from imprudences, enabled him to reconcile 
differences that it seemed impossible to bridge over. 
Had he not been on the spot for several years as the 
vassal of the Congo State, the fire that smouldered 
under the ashes would certainly have burst out 
sooner. Let us try to realize the situation : On the 
one side the Arabs, the ancient masters of the 
country, who for years had carried on a call- 
ing which, according to their views, was justifiable ; 
on the other, an intruding European Power, which 
endeavoured step by step to restrict them in the 
exercise of what they conceived to be their fairly 
won rights. The contrasts were too sharp for a 
lasting peace to be possible. 

As soon as Tippoo Tib left the scene and his 
personal influence vanished with him, there was 
bound sooner or later to be a catastrophe. The 
Arabs from their standpoint needed no excuse if they 
at length took arms ; nor does any reproach attach 
to Tippoo Tib's youthful son Sef for allowing him- 
self to be induced by the insistence of the Arabs, 
whose most vital interests were affected, to attack 
the Belgians. A day of reckoning between Arabs 
and Europeans in those districts was a historical 
necessity, which had been postponed through the 
influence of a great personality, but could not be 
wholly avoided. 

Let us, then, leave it an open question whether 



Sef desired war with the Belgians or not ; in any 
case, by his attack on Ngongo Luteta hostilities 
were commenced, and events took the course which 
they were bound to take. * It was decreed that the 
matter should end ill,' says the fatalist auto- 

In detail the course of the struggle was as 
follows :•■■" Sef, for reasons which we will leave 
undetermined, had attacked Ngongo Luteta. The 
Belgians, who had received in good time informa- 
tion of the enemy's intentions, came to the rescue 
of their new vassal, and Sef and his bands, who had 
pressed forward to the Lomami, after sharp fighting 
from November, 1892, to January 11, 1893, were 
driven back to the Congo. Mwinyi Mohara, who 
had taken part in the campaign, was killed, and a 
nephew of Tippoo Tib's, Sef bin Juma, was drowned 
in the Lomami. 

Dhanis, the leader of the Belgian troops, pursued 
the Arabs, and encamped opposite Nyangwe, on the 
left bank of the Congo, on January 29, 1893. The 
river is at that point 120 yards wide, and he could not 
cross it, for the Arabs had taken all their boats 
across with them. He therefore contented himself 
with bombarding the settlements of the Arabs from 
his side of the stream. The latter, however, rashly 
assumed the offensive by crossing the river and 
establishing two camps opposite the position of the 
Belgians. They were routed by Dhanis after a 
day's fighting, and had to flee back to the right 
bank. By this success the Belgians gained the 

* Cf., for the sketch that follows, the periodical Le Mouve- 
ment Gilographique for February 4, 1884. 


sympatties of the natives, who now aided them by 
bringing to the spot the boats necessary for crossing 
the stream. On March 4 Nyangwe fell, without 
further fighting, into Dhanis's hands. 

At Kassongo the news of the defeat of the Arabs 
on the Lomami and the death of Mwinyi Mohara 
evoked great bitterness. It had been erroneously 
reported that Tippoo Tib's son had also fallen. 
Fugitives had, it appears, reported that his mtoto 
(which means son as well as nephew) Sef had lost 
his life. The Arabs and natives, who at the name 
Sef thought first of the son of our hero, were 
convinced that he was a victim of the conflict, and 
out of revenge murdered the Europeans living in 

After giving his troops a short rest at Nyangwe, 
Dhanis marched against Kassongo on April 17, 
and captured it, with the help of Ngongo Luteta, on 
the 22nd of that month, after furious fighting. In 
wild flight the Arabs abandoned the field, and 
many of them were drowned in the River Musokoi. 
A great booty fell into the hands of the victors, 
amongst other things 3 tons of ivory, 20 hundred- 
weight of powder, and as many repeating rifles. A 
lucky find was made here, too, in the discovery of 
the last leaves of the diary of Emin Pasha, who had 
been murdered meanwhile. 

While the Arabs were thus harried in the southern 
districts, in the north also Lieutenant Chaltin 
had conducted an expedition against the insurgents 
from Basoko, the junction of the Lomami and the 
Congo. He had steamed up the Congo and the 
Lomami, had there taken possession, without a 


blow, of the settlements of Yangi, Bena, Kamba, 
and Lomo, which the Arabs had abandoned, and 
finally, on April 22, marched overland to the Arab 
station of Riba Riba, on the left bank of the Congo, 
which he also found deserted. He rightly reflected 
that the fugitive Arabs must have retired to their 
headquarters at Stanley Falls, and from Bena 
Kamba he proceeded thither on board the steamer 
Ville de Bruxelles, which was at his disposal. On the 
way, near the mouth of the Lomami, a letter reached 
him from Tobbak, the Commandant of Stanley 
Falls, which showed that his surmise was quite 

The Arabs there had received intelligence of the 
defeats of their compatriots at Nyangwe and Kas- 
songo, and were now gathering all their available 
fighting strength to strike a decisive blow at the 
Europeans. After various minor skirmishes, the 
Dutch factory was attacked during the night of 
May 11. Next day the settlement of the Belgian 
Upper Congo Company was occupied by the Shensis 
in the service of the Arabs, two Government boats 
were fired on, and an attack on the station itself 

Tobbak was holding out with difficulty against 
superior numbers, when on the 18th, at the moment 
of his greatest extremity, the Ville de Bruxelles 
drew near with the longed-for relief force under 
Chaltin. On its appearance the- Arabs took to 
flight, and the town remained in the hands of the 
Europeans. About the middle of Jiily Commandant 
Ponthier, who had returned from leave in Europe, 
took the station of Kirundu, above Stanley Falls. 


The insiTTgents suffered a severe defeat : twenty-eiglit 
chiefs were taken prisoners and 1,000 rifles fell into 
the hands of the victors. 

Thus the power of the Arabs on the Congo was 
shattered. Such of them as escaped retreated to 
Tanganyika, and there joined the forces of Rumalisa, 
who meanwhile had resumed his baffled plan of 
attacking the Belgians westward of the lake. 
As he had some 3,000 rifles at his disposal, he was 
able for some time to press hard on Captain Jaques, 
who was in those parts. But the latter summoned 
reinforcements, and with the help of two ofiicers, 
Delcommune and Joubert, succeeded, in September, 
1892, in driving the Arab partisan back on Albert- 

When the fugitives from Kassongo arrived, 
Rumalisa once more marshalled a strong army, and 
marched with it to meet the advancing Belgians 
imder Dhanis and Ponthier. On October 20, 1893, 
a sanguinary engagement took place on the river 
Luama, ending, after heavy losses on both sides, 
in a decisive victory for the Europeans. The 
Belgians lost their commander Ponthier, who a 
few days later succumbed to wounds received 
in the action. Tippoo Tib's son Sef also, with 
numerous other Arabs, paid for the attack with 
his life. 

This blow broke the power of the Arabs westward 
of Tanganyika as well, and such of the survivors as 
did not fall into the hands of the victors took their 
way through German territory back to their homes, 
and since then have never attempted open resistance 
to the European power. 


In truth, in tlie time tliat followed this would have 
been scarcely possible. On July 2, 1890, the Anti- 
slavery Conference at Brussels had adopted its well- 
known General Declaration, which, in the endeavour 
to cope with the ravages of the African slave trade, 
contained strict regulations as to the trade in fire-arms 
and ammunition as well. The Belgians, who pre- 
viously used to sell Tippoo Tib and his people powder 
in unlimited quantities, now, after the woeful experi- 
ences that they had had in the matter, of course 
stood out for the exact observance of these regula- 

Tippoo Tib was kept au courant of all the warlike 
events in his former province by his adherents, but 
we may implicitly believe his assurance that he had 
no share in the hostilities — nay, on the contrary, 
regretted them. All letters that came in he laid 
before the German and British Consuls for their 
information. Through their reports, by the round- 
about way of Zanzibar, many occurrences were 
known in Europe before they became officially 
public via Brussels. 

Our hero saw plainly that he could no longer 
check the course of events, and bore the many 
losses which befell him personally with the stoical 
calm of the Miihammedan. The war had cost him 
4,500 frasilas of ivory, 700 loads of stufE for 
garments, and 20,000 muskets. He could, however, 
console himself with the treasures which he had 
gradually placed in safety. Numerous shambas and 
houses in Zanzibar and on the coast were his 

But even these were now for the most part to be 


subject to dispute. Rumalisa, who escaped with 
his bare life from the disastrous fights on Tan- 
ganyika, had fled by secret ways (for he dreaded the 
vengeance of the Germans) to the coast, and had been 
taken across to Zanzibar in a fishing-boat ; he now 
came forward suddenly with a claim to the effect that 
Tippoo Tib owed him a quarter of his fortune. He 
produced a document setting forth that he, Tippoo 
Tib, and Bwana Nzige had formed a partnership, 
by which all profits that they might earn were to be 
divided between them ; Tippoo Tib was to receive 
a half, the other two a quarter apiece. 

Our hero has always disputed the authenticity of 
this document, as did his cousin Bwana Nzige. 
They both declared that their signatures appended 
to it were forgeries. The result was a lengthy 
lawsuit before the court at Dar-es-Salaam, which 
Rumalisa won. This decision gave rise to a long 
contest as to the amount of the quarter to be handed 
over by Tippoo Tib, ending in a judicial settlement 
by which Tippoo Tib gave up his whole property on 
the coast to his opponent, the particular items being 
specified in an inventory. 

It soon proved, however, that various objects of 
value transferred by him did not exist, amongst 
others a quantity of ivory supposed to be buried at 
Itahua, and a claim for a debt of 6,000 dollars. As 
Tippoo Tib, who is a Zanzibari subject, was no 
longer liable, after the surrender of his property 
on the coast, to be sued in the German colony, 
Rumalisa raised a claim in the Sultan's court for com- 
pensation for the valuables not forthcoming. Accord- 
ing to the principles obtaining, he was recognised 


as a German subject, and his plaint was supported 
by the German Consulate, which, took advantage of 
its treaty rights to have the sittings of the court 
watched by a representative, and the present writer, 
to whom this duty was allotted, was thus for the first 
time enabled to make the acquaintance of the hero 
of this story, to be sure in somewhat unfriendly 
wise. After a protracted litigation it was at last 
declared in the court of appeal by the Sultan himself 
that the defendant, in fulfilment of the settlement, 
must pay a further sum of 6,000 dollars. 

The plaintiff, it must be admitted, was not much 
the gainer thereby. The sum adjiidged him was for 
the most part swallowed up by the lawyer's fees, 
and so many creditors were lying in wait for the 
remainder that soon after his success he announced 
his bankruptcy, which is still pending before the 
district court of Dar-es-Salaam. Tippoo Tib con- 
soled himself with the thought that the old proverb, 
' Mali ya haramu yanakwenda nyia ya haramu ' — 
Ill-gotten gains never prosper — had once more 
been verified. 

Yet another lawsuit gave the Sheikh a great deal 
of trouble. The heirs of his business friend Taria 
Topan, who had died towards the end of the eighties, 
declared that at the time of his death Tippoo Tib 
still owed him 15,000 rupees, and brought an action 
for this sum. The examination of the books ordered 
by the court showed that, on the contrary, our hero 
had still 35,000 rupees to receive from his banker. 
He now 'turned the spear the other way,' and 
claimed of Taria's grandson, Saleh, who had taken 
over the business later on, not only the payment of 


this amount, but of a further considerable sum which 
was due to him from their later business connec- 
tions. As a result he not long since obtained a 
valid judgment for the not inconsiderable amoimt 
of 300,000 rupees ; but he will not set eyes on 
much of this money, for Saleh has long since 
run through his inheritance from his grand- 

On the other hand, all this litigation has entailed 
heavy sacrifices on our hero. The English lawyer 
who acted for him pocketed the magnificent fee of 
20,000 rupees (about £1,350) for his pains. 

Tippoo Tib has not again come to the fore 
politically since his final retiu-n to Zanzibar, but, as 
in his earlier years, he has always tried to be on 
good terms with the rulers for the time being. 
Seyyid Ali, who was ruling on his arrival, had long 
been his personal friend, and always treated him 
with goodwill, even though, as Tippoo Tib com- 
plains, he was avaricious and not over-free with 
presents to his favourites. Hamed bin Thweni, 
who succeeded him, was ill-disposed to Tippoo Tib, 
because he had once outbid him at the purchase of 
a shamha on which the Prince had cast his eye. 
Not till shortly before Hamed's death were the 
relations between them improved. 

It is well known that when this Sultan died, 
Seyyid Burghash's youthful son Khalid endeavoured 
to ascend the throne, contrary to the wish of the 
protecting Power. He garrisoned the palace, and a 
whole English squadron was needed to drive him out 
of it. When further resistance proved impossible 
the young Prince fled from the building, which was 


collapsing over his head, to the German Consulate, 
and, after finding refuge there for a month, was 
conveyed across to Dar-es-Salaam in a German man- 
of-war, where he now lives as the guest of the 
Empire, and dreams of his past splendour as 

Tippoo Tib was on terms of most cordial friend- 
ship with the energetic and warm-hearted son of his 
former patron, and honestly strove to restrain him 
from the folly of bidding defiance with his handful 
of warriors to a great European Power. In the 
certainty that such resistance would be unsuccessful, 
he kept aloof from the struggle, which brought 
financial ruin on many highly - placed Arabs, 
whose participation in it was visited by heavy 

His cousin Hamud bin Muhammed was appointed 
Hamed's successor. He formed a close friendship 
Avith Tippoo Tib, and always reckoned him one of 
his confidential advisers. On two journeys which 
he made to the African mainland the Sheikh was 
among his few companions. 

Since Hamud's death, which took place in 1904, 
his son Ali, a minor, has been reigning ; but he is 
under the guardianship of the English Premier, and 
as yet has little say in the affairs of government. 
As he was brought up in English fashion, he is but 
little in touch with Arab circles. 

Tippoo Tib is, nevertheless, still an important 
personage in the Council of Zanzibar, and where it 
is a question of doing something for the country he 
is one of the first to be asked his views. In his 
mockingly superior way he is wont on such 


occasions to be not at all backward with his 

He knows, however, that the times of Arab 
glory are past, and possesses no further political 
ambition. With the youthful activity which he has 
preserved even into his old age, this man of nearly 
seventy attends tmtiringly to his numerous personal 
affairs. His fortune stiU amounts to £50,000 in 
round figures, and is very advantageously invested 
in stone houses and landed property. 

His longing is some day to behold the magic land 
of Europe, of whose splendour he had a foretaste at 
Cape Town. A pilgrimage is also still expected of 
him by Allah, for the Koran lays down that every 
Moslem whose means admit of it should at least 
once in his life undertake the journey to the holy 
city of Mecca. 

His idea is to combine the two journeys, and as 
in his robust old age he still counts on many more 
years of life, he hopes to be able, sooner or later, to 
carry out the plan. ' In sha Allah ! ' 

Tippoo Tib died at Zanzibar, of malaria, on 
June 13, 1905. The death of Wissmann followed 
on the very next day ; that of Stanley had taken 
place a year earlier. Thus within a brief period of 
time three of the most striking personalities among 
those who wrested its secrets from the Dark Con- 
tinent have passed away. 

Dwellers at a distance may find something strange 
in this juxtaposition of the slave-hunter's name with 
those of the two world-famed explorers ; to one who 


has followed the destinies of our hero it will be 
intelligible enough. Tippoo Tib was no dainty 
draughtsman, yet the paths traced out by his blood- 
stained hand have supplied the framework for all 
the subsequent cartography of German East Africa 
and the Congo Free State. Thus a life-work of 
destruction has served to aid the advance of 



Telegrams : 41 and 43 Maddox Street, 

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The object of the expedition described in this book was to survey 
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The accounts of the abundance of game will make the sportsman's 
mouth water. 

A considerable amount of the descripton of scenery and life on the 
Nile and Sobat is extracted from the journal of Mrs. McMillan, who 
accompanied her husband. Many of the illustrations are from 
drawings made on the spot by Mr. Jessen, cartographer of the 


3;be Stors of a Central Bfrican Deepot. 

Narrated from his own accounts by Dr. HEINRICH BRODE. 

Demy 8vo. With Portrait. 10s. 6d. net. 

In the course of a prolonged residence at Zanzibar as consular 
representative of Germany, Dr. Brode became intimately acquainted 
with the celebrated adventurer Tippoo Tib, and succeeded in 
inducing him to write the story of his life. This he did, in Swaheli, 
using Arabic characters, which Dr. Brode transcribed for translation 
into German. The material thus supplied by Tippoo Tib has been 
expanded by Dr. Brode into a remarkable picture of Africa before 
and during its transition into the hands of the white man. 

4 Mr. Edward Arnold's List of New Books 


a StiiOB ot ©reece in tbc ^t&Dle ages. 
By Sir RENNELL RODD, G.C.V.O., K.C.M.G., C.B., 

Author of ' Customs and Lore of Modern Greece,' ' Feda, and other Poems,' 
' The Unknown Madonna,' * Ballads of the Fleet,' etc. 

2 Volumes. Demy 8vo. With Illustrations and Map. 25s. net. 

In this masterly work Sir Rennell Rodd deals with a curiously 
interesting and fascinating subject which has never been treated of 
in English, though a few scanty notices of the period may be found. 
It is gratifying to know that the British School in Athens has of 
late turned its attention to the Byzantine and Prankish remains in 
the Morea. Meanwhile this book will fill a great blank in the 
historical knowledge of most people. 



Fellow and Lecturer at Trinity College, Cambridge. 

Demy 8fo. los. 6d. net. 

This is an important contribution to the study of Thucydides. 
Having attributed the causes of the Peloponnesian War almost en- 
tirely to commercial factors, Mr. Cornford shows how Thucydides, 
free from modern ideas of causation, unfolds the tragedy of Athens, 
led by Fortune at Pylos, by the Hybris and Infatuation of Cleon and 
Alcibiades, to the Nemesis of Syracuse. The book will be found 
interesting by all students of history. All passages from Greek 
authors are quoted in English in the text, which can be understood 
without reference to the Greek in the footnotes. 


Newly Translated by C. E. BYLES, B.A., 

Formerly Exhibitioner of St. John's College, Cambridge. 

Crown %vo. With Illustrations and Maps. is. 6d. 

This is an entirely new translation abridged from the Greek. 
Although primarily intended for the use of schools, it should be 
found acceptable by the general reader. 

Mr. Edward Arnold's List of New Books 5 



Author of 'The Queen's Poor.' 

Crown divo. 6s. 

Like its predecessor, this book is not only a mine of interesting 
and amusing sketches of life among the poor, but, in its more serious 
aspect, a remarkable and most valuable corrective of many widely 
prevalent and erroneous views about the habits of thought and ethics 
of the poorer classes. 



Author of 'Reminiscences of the Course, the Camp, and the Chase,' 'A Fishing 
Catechism," and 'A Shooting Catechism.' 

Foolscap Sfo. ^s. 6d. net. 

This, the third of Colonel Meysey-Thompson's invaluable hand- 
books, will appeal to hunting men as strongly as the previous 
volumes did to lovers of rod and gun. The information given is 
absolutely practical, the result of forty years' experience, and is 
largely conveyed in the form of Question and Answer. The arrange- 
ment is especially calculated to facilitate easy reference. 


a StuJig of a mottb Countrg Zomx. 

Author op 'The Dean of St. Patrick's,' 'The Arbiter," etc., etc. 

Crown 8w. 6s. 

In this little book Lady Bell has entered upon a new branch of 
literature. It is not a novel, but a description of the industrial and 
social condition of the ironworkers of the North Country. 

6 Mr. Edward Arnold's List of New Books 




Being HENRI DE TOURVILLE'S ' Histoire de la Formation 
Particulariste,' translated by M. G. Loch. 

Demy 8vo. 

The articles which are here presented in the form of a volume 
were contributed by the author to the French periodical La Science 
Sociale over a period of six years ending in February, 1903. His 
death occurred within a few days of his completing the work. 
M. de Tourville, after showing that the transformation of the 
communal into the particularist family took place in Scandinavia, 
and was largely due to the pecuHar geographical character of the 
Western slope, traces the development of modern Europe from the 
action of the particularist type of society upon the fabric of Roman 



By the Right Hon. Sir HERBERT MAXWELL, Bart., F.R.S. 

Large crown Svo. With Photogravure Illustrations, js. 6d. 

This fresh instalment of Sir Herbert Maxwell's delightful 
' Memories of the Months ' will be welcomed by lovers of his 
descriptions of country life. 



Selected and Edited by her son, BERNARD HOLLAND. 

Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. net. 

To this, the third, edition of these attractive letters, Mr. Bernard 
Holland has added a large number of new letters, which were not 
included in the second edition, having been found or contributed 
since the date of its publication. The book is now in its final and 
complete form. 

Mr. Edward Arnold's List of New Books 7 


Edited by her Son, RALPH NEVILL. 
Demy 8vo. With Portrait. 15s. net. 
There are very few persons living whose knowledge of English 
Society is, literally, so extensive and peculiar as Lady Dorothy 
Nevill's, and fewer still whose recollections of a period extending 
from the day of the postchaise to that of the motor-car are as graphic 
and entertaining as hers. In the course of her life she has met 
almost every distinguished representative of literature, politics and 
art, and about many of them she has anecdotes to tell which have 
never before been made public. She has much to say of her intimate 
friends of an earlier day — Disraeli, the second Duke of Wellingtoa, 
Bernal Osborne, Lord Ellenborough, and a dozen others — while a 
multitude of more modern personages pass in procession across her 
light-hearted pages. A reproduction of a recent crayon portrait by 
M. Cayron is given as frontispiece. 


Demy 8vo. With Portraits. 12s. 6d. net. 

The phrase ' a charmed life ' is hackneyed, but it may be used 
with peculiar appropriateness to describe Colonel Robertson's 
military career. ' The history of my nose alone,' says the cheery 
old soldier in his Preface, ' would fill a chapter,' and, indeed, not 
only his nose, but his whole body, seem to have spent their time in, 
at all events, running a risk of being seriously damaged in every 
possible way. The book, in fact, is simply full of fine confused 
fighting and hair-breadth escapes. 

Joining the 31st Regiment in 1842, Colonel Robertson took part 
in the Sutlej Campaign from Moodkee to Sobraon. He was in the 
Crimea, and throughout the Mutiny he commanded a regiment of 
Light Cavalry, doing repeatedly the most gallant service. The 
incidents of life in Ireland and the Ionian Islands during the in- 
tervals of peace are worthy of ' Charles O'Malley,' and are described 
with something of Lever's raciness of touch. 

8 My. Edward Arnold's List of New Books 


an account of tbe IRcpatriation o( 3Bocrs an& IWatives tn the ©range 

IRtver Colons. 

By G. B. BEAK. 

Demy 8vo. With Illustrations and Map. 12s. 6d. net. 

The author, after serving nearly two and a half years in the South 
African War, was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Orange 
River Colony Repatriation Department, and subsequently Assistant 
Director of Relief under the Government. His information is thus 
not only first-hand but unique. The book is illustrated with some 
extremely interesting photographs. 

' The book is sure to become a standard work, for it throws a flood of light 
upon and solves many of the knotty questions of that period which have agitated 
men's minds at home and abroad.' — Daily Telegraph. 


By the Rev. HASKETT SMITH, M.A., F.R.G.S. 

Editor op ' Murray's Handbook to Syria and Palestine,' igo2 ; 

Large crown 8w. With Illustrations. los. 6d. 

The late Mr. Haskett Smith was a well-known authority on the 
Holy Land, and in this book he personally conducts a typical party 
of English tourists to some of the more important sites hallowed by 

' The reader is not only charmed by the pleasant experiences and the interest- 
ing discussions of the pilgrims, but at the same time he acquires a great deal of 
information which would otherwise have to be sought in a combination of 
cyclopaedia, "Speaker's Commentary," and guide-book.' — Tribune. 



Super royal /[to. 6s. net. 

The change of Government, with the consequent variety of political 
topics, very greatly enhances the attraction of this new volume ol 
cartoons by ' Sir F. C. G.' If the increased acerbity of political 
relations is found to be slightly reflected in these later cartoons, the 
many fresh and interesting studies are no less happily handled than 
those produced under the Conservative regime. 

Mr. Edward Arnold's List of New Books 


Crown &V0. 6s. each. 



Author of "The Garden of Asia' and ' Tiee House of Shadows.' 



Author of ' The Seething Pot ' and ' Hyacinth.' 



Author of 'The Reaper' and 'Folly. 














10 Mr. Edward Arnold's List of New Books 


Sn account of tbe fflrst /BSfsston sent bg tbe Smectcan (Sovernment 
to tbe iRtng of IRtngs, 


Commissioner to Abyssinia, 1903-1904 : American Consol-General ; Fellow of the 
American Geographical Society ; Soci dou Felibrige. 

Demy 8vo. With numerous Illustrations and Map. 12s. 6d. net. 

The object of this American Mission to the Emperor Menelik 
was to negotiate a commercial treaty. The Mission was extremely 
well received, and the expedition appears to have been a complete 
success. The picture drawn by Mr. Skinner of the Abyssinians and 
their ruler is an exceedingly agreeable one ; and his notes on this 
land of grave faces, elaborate courtesy, classic tone, and Biblical 
civilization, its history, politics, language, literature, religion, and 
trade, are full of interest ; there are also some valuable hints on the 
organization and equipment of a caravan. 



Indian Civil Service ; Deputy Commissioner of Almora. 

Royal 8vo. With Illustrations, Maps and Sketches. 21s. net. 

During the last few years Tibet, wrapped through the centuries 
in mystery, has been effectively ' opened up ' to the gaze of the 
Western world, and already the reader has at his disposal an 
enormous mass of information on the country and its inhabitants. 
But there is in Western Tibet a region which is still comparatively 
little known, which is especially sacred to the Hindu and Buddhist, 
and in which curious myths and still more curious manners abound ; 
and it is of this portion of the British Borderland, its government, and 
the religion and customs of its peoples, that Mr. Sherring writes. 

The book contains a thrilling account by Dr. T. G. Longstaff, 
M.B., F.R.G.S., of an attempt to climb Gurla Mandhata, the highest 
mountain in Western Tibet, with two Swiss guides. 

Mr. Edward Arnold's List of New Books ii 


D.C.L., LL.D., Hon. Fellow of Pembroke College, Oxford. 
Arranged by his Daughter, LUCY CRUMP. 

Demy 8w. With Portraits. 12s. 6d. net. 

Dr. Birkbeck Hill's ' Letters ' form, with a few connecting links 
written by his daughter, an autobiography whose charm lies in its 
intimate portrayal of a character which was, in its curious intensity, 
at once learned, tender, and humorous. He wrote as he talked, and 
his talk was famous for its fund of anecdote, of humour, of deep 
poetic feeling, of vigorous literary criticism, and no less vigorous 
political sentiment. As an Oxford undergraduate, he was one of the 
founders, together with Mr. Swinburne, Prof. A. V. Dicey, and 
Mr. James Bryce, of the Old Mortality Club. He was intimately 
connected also with the Pre-Raphaelites. At college, at home, on 
the Continent, or in America, everywhere he writes with the pen of 
one who observes everything, and who could fit all he saw that was 
new into his vast knowledge of the past. His editions of ' Boswell's 
Johnson,' of ' Johnson's Letters,' and ' The Lives of the Poets ' 
have passed into classical works. But that his writings were not 
exclusively Johnsonian is abundantly shown by such books as the 
Letters of Hume, Swift, General Gordon, and Rossetti, as well as 
by his 'Life of Sir Rowland Hill,' his 'History of Harvard 
University,' and various collections of essays. 




Associate and Lecturer of Newkham College, Cambridge ; Author of 'Friends of the 
Olden Tims,' ' Theodore of Studium,' etc. 

Foolscap %vo. 2s. 6d. net. 
This series of actual Letters written to an actual Godchild on the 
subject of Confirmation is intended for parents and teachers who 
either feel that some of the instruction to be derived from the 
Catechism is obscured by archaism of style and thought, or who 
desire something in the way of a supplement to the Catechism. It 
is not intended to take the place of works of formal religious in- 

12 Mr. Edward Arnold's List of New Books 


By H. A. J. MUNRO, 

Sometime Feliow of Trinity College, and Professor of Latin in the University 

OF Camdridge. 

With a Prefatory Note by J. D. DUFF, 

Fellow of Trinjtv College, Cambridge. 

Medium 8vo. With a Portrait. 6s. net. 

These translations were originally printed for private circulation in 
the autumn of 1884, a few months before the author's death. They 
were never published, and for years past the price asked for the 
book second-hand has been high. It has therefore been decided, 
with the consent of Munro's representatives, to reprint the work, so 
that those who are interested in Latin Verse and in Munro may 
acquire a copy at a reasonable price. 



%ite as tbeg flnO it in Zlown anD CounttB. 


Crown Svo. 3s. 6d. 

Sir Arthur Clay, Bart., says of this book : ' I have had a good deal of ex- 
perience of "relief " work, and I have never yet come across a book upon the 
subject of the " poor " which shows such true insight and such a grasp of reality 
in describing the life, habits, and mental attitude of our poorer fellow-citizens. . . . 
The whole book is not only admirable from a common-sense point of view, but it is 
extremely pleasant and interesting to read, and has the great charm of humour. ' 




Principal of University College, Bristol ; 
Author of ' The Springs of Conduct,' ' Habit and Instinct,' etc. 

Cfown 8vo. 4s. 6d. 

For this edition, Professor Lloyd Morgan has entirely rewritten, 
and very considerably enlarged, his well-known work on this impor- 
tant subject. He has, in fact, practically made a new book of it. 

Mr. Edward Arnold's List of New Books 13 



Author of 'Ruthless Rhymes for Heaktless Homes,' 'Ballads of the Boer War," 


Foolscap 4fo. With Illustrations by Dan Sayre Groesbeck. 5s. 

Admirers of Captain Graham's ingenious and sarcastic verse will 
welcome this fresh instalment, which contains, among the ' other 
verses,' a number of ' Poetic Paraphrases ' and ' Open Letters ' to 
popular authors. 



Crown 8vo. With Illustrations by Gilbert James. 3s. 6d. 

The four stories which make up this delightful children's book are 
entitled ' Luck-Child,' ' The Princess and the Ordinary Little Girl,' 
' Professor Green,' and ' A Position of Trust.' 


a Collection of Cbfl&rcn's Songs 

Adapted from the French and German by 


The Music Edited and^Arranged by 

Imperial 8vo. Paper, as. 6d. net. 
Cloth, gilt top. 4s. 6d. net. 

This is a charming collection of forty-three French and German 
songs for children translated and adapted by Capt. Graham and 
Mrs. Newmarch. It includes nine songs arranged by J. Brahms for 
the children of Robert and Clara Schumann. 

14 ^y- Edward Arnold's List of New Books 



Professor of Dermatology at King's College ; Physician to the Skin Departments, 
King's College and the Great Northern Central Hospitals. 

Crown 8vo. With Ilhistvations. 8s. 6d. net. 

This book is designed especially to meet the needs of those who 
have to treat the commoner skin diseases. While giving short 
descriptions of the rarer forms, the chief attention is bestowed on 
those more frequently met with. The diagnostic features of the 
various eruptions are dealt with in detail, in order that they may 
give help in determining the lines of treatment. The more recent 
work in clinical pathology, both microscopical and chemical, is for 
the first time brought into use in an English text-book. The book 
is freely illustrated with original photographs. 





By VAUGHAN HARLEY, M.D. Edin., M.R.C.P., F.C.S., 

Professor of Pathological Chemistry, University College, London ; 


Assistant Professor of Pathological Chemistry, University College, London. 

Demy 8vo. 8s. 6d. net. 

This book opens with a description of the method of obtaining 
gastric contents, and the estimation of the capacity of the stomach. 
The various Test Meals employed in diagnosis are next described. 
The macroscopical examination of the gastric contents and conclu- 
sions to be drawn on inspection are discussed, and a short descrip- 
tion of the microscopical appearances follows. The chemical 
analysis of the gastric contents is then given. The Organic Diseases 
of the Stomach are all separately described, with specimen cases of 
analysis to illustrate them. The Functional Diseases of the Stomach, 
which are more frequently met with in ordinary practice than the 
Organic Diseases, are also very fully given. The chemical methods 
employed in the investigation of Intestinal Diseases are then de- 
scribed with great fulness, four types of Test Meals being given. 

Mr. Edward Arnold's List of New Books 15 





Demy 8vo. With 254 Illustrations. i8s. net. 


' To acquire the necessary dexterity to examine a patient systemati- 
cally so as to overlook nothing, to recognise and put in its proper 
place the particular pathological condition found, and finally, but 
chiefly, to treat both the patient and the local abnormality success- 
fully, seem to me the three most important objects of a course of 
study at a special hospital. This book, which is founded on lectures 
given at the Throat Hospital with these objects in view, is now 
published in the hope of helping those who are either attending or 
have attended a short course of study at special departments or 
special Hospitals for Diseases of the Throat and Nose. . . .' 



Physician to Out-Patients at the Westminster Hospital, and Joint Lecturer on 

Medicine in the Medical School ; Physician to the Royal National Orthopaedic 

Hospital; Assistant Physician to the Italian Hospital. 

Demy 8vo. With Illustrations and Coloured Plates. 15s. net. 

This book, which is intended for the use of senior students and 
practitioners, to supplement the ordinary text-books, discusses the 
most modern methods of diagnosis of Diseases of the Nervous 
System. The substance of the work, which is illustrated by original 
diagrams and clinical photographs, nearly 200 in number, was 
originally delivered in lecture form to students at the Westminster 
Hospital and to certain post-graduate audiences in London and else- 
where. The subject of Nervous Diseases is approached from the 
point of view of the practical physician, and the diagnostic facts are 
illustrated, as far as possible, by clinical cases. 

i6 Mr. Edward Arnold's List of New Books 


M.R.C.P. Lond., 

Assistant Obstetric Physician and Lecturer to Pupil Midwives at the London 
Hospital; Examiner to the Central Midwives Board. 

Crown 8w. With Illustrations. 4s. 6d. net. 

This book is intended to supply the pupil midwife with all that is 
necessary to meet the requirements of the Central Midwives Boar d, 
and to be a practical handbook for the certificated midwife. 


a Ce£t=boof5 for StuDents o£ Engineectng. 
By C. G. LAMB, M.A., B.Sc, 

Clare College, Cambridge, 

Associate Memuer of the Institution of Electrical Engineers; Associate of the City 

AND Guilds of London Institute. 

Demy 8vo. With Illustrations. los. 6d. net. 

The scope of this book is intended to be such as to cover approxi- 
mately the range of reading in alternating current machinery and 
apparatus considered by the author as desirable for a student of 
general engineering in his last year — as, for example, a candidate for 
the Mechanical Sciences Tripos at Cambridge. 


By R. BUSQUET, ,^ 

Professor A l'^cole Industbielle de Lvon. 

Translated by A. H. PEAKE, M.A., 

Demonstrator in Mechanism and Applied Mechanics in the University of Cambridge. 

Crown 8vo. With Illustrations. 7s. 6d. net. 

This work is a practical text-book of Applied Hydraulics, in which 
complete technical theories and all useful calculations for the erection 
of hydraulic plant are presented. It is not a purely descriptive work 
designed merely for popular use, nor is it an abstruse treatise suitable 
only for engineers versed in higher mathematics. The book is well 
illustrated, and is full of Arithmetical Examples fully worked out. In 
these examples, no knowledge is assumed beyond that of simple 
arithmetic and the elements of geometry.